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Source/Voting Rights and Suffrage

2021-08-13T20:27:03Z

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==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
Multiple 5th-Century BC sources outline the importance of citizen voting to early Athenian democracy. Thucydides’s The History of the Peloponnesian War includes several allusions to the importance of citizen participation in democracy. The first instance comes in Chapter VI, the funeral oration of Pericles:

"Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to
others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy…instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all." (Thucydides, VI)

The description of participatory democracy as “indispensable” evokes an importance that moves beyond simply advocating for the benefits of democracy. Rather, it implies an intrinsic importance that more closely mirrors that of a political right. The early political foundations of democracy appear again in Chapter XIX during a speech from Athenagoras:

"It will be said, perhaps, that democracy is neither wise nor equitable, but that the holders of property are also the best fitted to rule. I say, on the contrary, first, that the word demos, or people, includes the whole state, oligarchy only a part; next, that if the best guardians of property are the rich, and the best counsellors the wise, none can hear and decide so well as the many; and that all these talents, severally and collectively, have their just place in a democracy." (Thucydides, XIX)

Aristotle also outlines the inner workings of early Athenian democracy after the reforms of Solon and includes several allusions to the intrinsic importance of suffrage in The Constitution of the Athenians, most likely written between 328 and 322 BC. In his discussion of the importance of individuals’ right to appeal grievances in Athenian court, Aristotle states that “when the democracy is master of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution,” and that “the masses have owed their strength” to Athens’s democratic institutions (Avalon Project). While there is no explicit mention of suffrage as a “right” per se, Aristotle’s emphasis on “voting-power” as a fundamental element of Athenian civil society serves as one of the older examples of voting as a “right.” However, it is important to note that voting in Ancient Athens, while highly valued and perceived as a right for some, was not universal, and only free adult men, whose parents were also Athenian, were granted the right to vote. Athenian democracy was also significantly more participatory and direct than contemporary democratic institutions, as all adult Athenian men were compelled to serve in local governmental assemblies where they would then vote on decrees and other forms of legislation (Blackwell).

While there is not much explicitly-written, primary evidence for the existence of voting rights before the Athenians, previous forms of government that predate democracy also played important roles in the conception of suffrage as a right, particularly in Mesopotamia. For example, “when Mesopotamian elders were unable to agree” on governmental decisions, “they opened their assembly to junior aristocrats and commoners” (Schemeil 104). Additionally, Assyrian merchant colonies’ judicial systems were “not vested in any one individual but resided in a general assembly of all colonists” and were called at the discretion of senior colonists (Jacobsen 161). Early conceptions of proto-democratic political institutions from all parts of the world often arose out of the need to maintain peace and political stability after prolonged conflict between various sects and social groups.

===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====
The earliest Afghan constitution was written during the reign of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in the 1890s followed by the 1923 version. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan turned Afghanistan into a modern democracy, and the right to vote was established in Article 46. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan granted women equal rights including universal suffrage and the right to run for office (University of Nebraska, "Constitution of Afghanistan").

====Albania====
Article 45 of the Republic of Albania’s 1998 Constitution guarantees the right to vote to the People of Albania so they can exercise their power through their elected representatives in the Parliament (Berhani, I. "Elections and Implementation of the Law of Elections in Albania").

====Algeria====
Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 and a new Constitution was passed the following year. In the 1989 Constitution under Article 62, all people meeting the legal requirements have the right to vote and to be elected (Constitute Project, "Algeria 1989").

====Andorra====
Article 24 of the 1993 Constitution states that all citizens of age and in full use of their rights are guaranteed suffrage (Constitute Project, "Andorra 1993").

====Angola====
The constitution of 1975 established a one-party state headed by a president who was also chairman of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), which declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party in 1977. Under Article 54 of the Angolan Constitution every citizen of age has the right to vote (Britannica, "Angola").

====Antigua and Barbuda====
Universal suffrage was introduced in Antigua and Barbuda in 1951 (National Encyclopedia, "Antigua and Barbuda- Politics, government, and taxation").

====Argentina====
In 1983, Argentina returned to democracy after almost eight years of authoritarian rule. In April 1994 elections were held to form a Constituent Assembly because of the provisions made to the 1853 Constitution. Under the new Constitution the president is directly elected for a four-year term by universal adult suffrage (ACE Project, “Electoral Systems- Argentina").

====Armenia====
Article 48 of the 1995 Constitution grants the people the right to vote and the right to participate in a referendum (Constitute Project, "Armenia’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2015").

====Australia====
In the 1850s under the Constitutions of Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia, Aboriginal men had the same right to vote as other male British subjects aged over 21. The first federal electoral Act, the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, granted men and women of all states the right to vote (National Museum Australia, “Australians’ right to vote”).

====Austria====
In Austria, universal suffrage for men was introduced by the Voting Rights Act of 1907 and the country was one of the first in Europe to introduce women’s suffrage in 1918 (Metropole, “Your Right to Vote in Austria”).

====Azerbaijan====
Section 3 of the Constitution of Azerbaijan established the major rights and freedoms of citizens of Azerbaijan, including human rights, property rights, equality rights, the right to vote and freedom of speech. According to the Law passed in the parliament, in 1919, Azerbaijan all citizens of the Republic who had reached the age of 20 were granted voting rights (Azerbaijan, “Interesting Facts”).

====The Bahamas====
The Bahamas Parliamentary Elections Act of 1992 specifies the registration of voters, how the electoral broadcasting council shall conduct its work, how elections are performed and how nominations are seeked (Political Database of the Americas, “Bahamas: Parliamentary Elections Act, 1992”).

====Bahrain====
Under Chapter I, Article 1 of the 2002 Constitution all citizens are able to participate in public affairs and political rights such as voting (Constitute Project, "Bahrain's Constitution of 2002").

====Bangladesh====
The Constitution of 1972, under section VII, states the Qualifications for registration as voter and grants the right to people who are eligible to vote (Laws of Bangladesh, “The Constitution of the People‌‌‍’s Republic of Bangladesh”).

====Barbados====
Barbados Independence Order of 1966 and the Constitution of Barbados established the right to vote for all citizens (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Barbados”).

====Belarus====
Article 38 of the 1994 Constitution of the Republic of Belarus states that citizens have the right to vote freely and officials must be elected through a secret ballot (Constitute Project, Belarus's Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2004).

====Belgium====
Beglain citizens are automatically registered on the electoral rolls when reaching the age of 18 and are subject to compulsory voting under Article 62 of the Belgian Constitution (Legislationline, “The Belgian Constitution”).

====Belize====
The 31 members of the House of Representatives are directly elected to five-year terms and the Senate has 12 seats. The ruling party, the opposition, and several civil associations select the senators, who are then appointed by the governor general. (Freedom House, “Belize”).

====Benin====
The president is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms and Delegates to the 83-member, unicameral National Assembly serve four-year terms and are elected by proportional representation. The April 2019 legislative elections were not free or fair, as the implementation of new electoral rules effectively prevented all opposition parties from participating (Freedom House, “Benin”).

====Bhutan====
The Constitution provides for a bicameral Parliament, with a 25-seat upper house, the National Council, and a 47-seat lower house, the National Assembly. Members of both houses serve five-year terms. The king appoints five members of the nonpartisan National Council, and the remaining 20 are popularly elected as independents, while the National Assembly is entirely elected (Freedom House, “Bhutan”).

====Bolivia====
Section 2 Article 26 of the Constitution grants the right for universal suffrage for all people (Constitute Project, “Bolivia’'s Constitution of 2009”).

====Bosnia and Herzegovina====
In accordance with Article II 1, Article IV 1.2 and 4.a and the Article V 1.a of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Article V of the Annex 3 of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Election Law Of Bosnia And Herzegovina was developed in 2001 to promote free and fair elections (Legislationline, “Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina”).

====Botswana====
Botswana has a unicameral, 65-seat National Assembly. Voters directly elect 57 members to five-year terms, while 6 members are nominated by the president and approved by the National Assembly (Freedom House, “Botswana”).

====Brazil====
Chapter IV, Political Rights, Article 14 of the Brazilian Constitution grants universal suffrage with compulsory voting to those over the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Brazil's Constitution of 1988 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Brunei====
The unicameral Legislative Council has no political standing independent of the sultan, who appoints most members. Brunei has not held direct legislative elections since 1962 (Freedom House, "Brunei").

====Bulgaria====
Under the 1991 Constitution Article 42, every citizen above the age of 18 is free to participate in elections of state and local authorities and in referendums (Constitute Project, "Bulgaria's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015").

====Burkina Faso====
Under Article 33 of Title II in the Constitution of Burkina Faso, suffrage is direct or indirect and is universal, equal and secret (Constitute Project, “Burkina Faso's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Burundi====
Under Article 8 of Title I, of The State and of The Sovereignty of The People, all Brudians are granted universal suffrage if they are 18 years of age (Constitute Project, “Burundi's Constitution of 2005”).

====Cambodia====
Khmer citizens 18 years or older are granted the right to vote through universal suffrage under Article 34 of the Constitution (Constitute Project, “Cambodia's Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Cameroon====
Under Part I, The State and Sovereignty, Article 2 of the Cameroon Constitution, voting is equal, secret and by universal suffrage. It is granted to every citizen 20 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Cameroon's Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Canada====
In 1876, only men who were 21 years of age or older, and who owned property were able to vote in federal elections. In 1918 Canadian women were given the right to vote in federal elections if they met the same eligibility criteria as men. The 1982 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms affirms the right of every Canadian citizen to vote and to stand as a candidate (Elections Canada, “A Brief History of Federal Voting Rights in Canada”).

====Cape Verde====
Under Chapter II, Rights, Liberties and Guarantees in Political Participation, Article 54 of the Cape Verde Constitution all citizens at least 18 years of age have the right to vote and participate in political life directly and through freely elected representatives (Constitute Project, “Cape Verde's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Central African Republic====
The Constitution of the Central African Republic states under Title II, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 19 that universal suffrage may be direct or indirect as every citizen over 18 has a duty to vote (Constitute Project, “Central African Republic's Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Chad====
Universal suffrage is granted directly or indirectly and is equal and secret for those 18 years of age or older under Title I, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6 of the Constitution of Chad (Constitute Project, “Chad's Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Chile====
The Constitution of Chile, Chapter II, Nationality and Citizenship, Article 13 grants Chileans who have reached 18 years of age voting rights. (Constitute Project, “Chile's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2015”).

====China====
Under Chapter II, The Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens, Article 34 all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote and stand for election without discrimination. (Constitute Project, “China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Colombia====
Under Title III, Chapter II, all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote in all elections. In addition, an Act may grant Alien’s who reside in Colombia the right to vote in municipal and district level elections. (Constitute Project, “Colombia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2015”).

====Comoros====
According to Title I, Article 4, suffrage can be indirect or direct and is universal, equal and secret. All Comorians of either sex who are in possession of their civi and political rights may vote as provided for by the statute. (Constitute Project, "Comoros's Constitution of 2001 with Amendments through 2009").

====Democratic Republic of the Congo====
Section II Sovereignty, Article 5 establishes the conditions of organization of the elections and of the referendum. Suffrage is universal, equal, secret and can be direct or indirect. Without prejudice to the provisions of article 70, 102 and 106 all Congolese of both sexes, of 18 years of age, and enjoying their civil and political rights are electors and eligible. (Constitute Project, “Congo (Democratic Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2005 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Republic of the Congo====
Under Title I, Of The State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6, suffrage is direct or indirect and is free, equal and secret. Established by the law all Congolese 18 years of age, enjoying their civil and political rights are electors. (“Congo (Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2015”).

====Costa Rica====
According to Title VIII, Chapter II, all birthright citizens 18 years or older and naturalized citizens, 12 months or greater after naturalization, have the right to suffrage facilities. (Constitute Project, “Costa Rica’s Constitution of 1949 with revisions through 2020).

====Croatia====
Under Title II, Article 45, all birthright citizens 18 years or older, have access to universal, and equal suffrage through secret and direct ballots to determine the Croatian Parliament, President of the Republic of Croatia, and the European Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Croatia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2013).

====Cuba====
Article 205 of Cuba’s Constitution states that voting is the right of all Cuban citizens over the age of 16 unless they have been judicially disqualified to vote. Article 104 states that the National Assembly of the People’s Power is made up of representatives elected via direct, free, and secret elections. Additionally, Article 126 states that the President is elected by similar principles. (Constitute Project, “Cuba’s Constitution of 2019).

====Cyprus====
Under Article 63, Part II, all birthright citizens at the age of 18 years or older are eligible to be electors in either the Greek or Turkish electoral list based on their own nationality. Within each list the elector may vote for their respective representative. (Constitute Project, “Cyprus’ Constitution of 1960 with revisions through 2013).

====Czech Republic====
According to Chapter I, Article 56, all citizens at the age of 18 years or older have a right to direct and universal voting. Under Chapter 2, this voting is done by secret ballot and is based on proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Czech Republic’s Constitution of 1993 with revisions through 2013).

====Denmark====
Under Part 4, all citizens who are permanent residents of Denmark and are at the age of suffrage, which is set by referendum, can vote in Folketing elections. (Constitute Project, “Denmark’s Constitution of 1953).

====Djibouti====
Under Title I, Article V, all Djiboutian nationals of majority have a right to Suffrage regardless of gender. (Constitute Project, “Djibouti’s Constitution of 1992 with revisions through 2010).

====Dominica====
Under Chapter III, Part 1, any resident who is a birthright citizen or naturalized citizen of Dominica and is over the age of 18 has a right to suffrage via a secret and unimposed ballot unless this right has been taken away by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Dominica’s Constitution of 1978 with revisions through 2014).

====Dominican Republic====
Article 208 in the Dominican Republic’s constitution grants the right of universal, direct, free, and secret suffrage to all citizens over the age of 18, with the exceptions of Members of the Armed Forces and individuals whose rights have been revoked by courts. (Constitute Project, “Dominican Republic’s Constitution of 2015).

====East Timor====
Article 47 of the Constitution grants those over the age of 17 the right to vote. Voting constitutes a civic duty and is personal (Constitute Project, “Timor-Leste's Constitution of 2002”).

====Ecuador====
Under Article 62 of the Constitution of Ecuador voting is mandatory for those over the age of 18. Voting is optional for those between the ages of 16-18 and elderly persons 65 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Ecuador's Constitution of 2008”).

====Egypt====
Part II, Rights and Freedoms, Article 55 of the Egyptian Constitution grants universal suffrage and compulsory voting for every Egyptian citizen over 18. If one fails to vote, they can receive a fine or even imprisonment, but a significant percentage of eligible voters do not vote (Constitute Project, “Egypt's Constitution of 2012”).

====El Salvador====
The Constitution of El Salvador grants its citizens political rights under Chapter III, Citizens, Their Political Rights and Duties in The Electoral Body. Article 71 allows those over the age of 18 to vote and Article 72 secures the exercise of suffrage (Constitute Project, “El Salvador's Constitution of 1983 with Amendments through 2014”)

====Equatorial Guinea====
Under the First Title, Fundamental Principles of the State, Article 2 of the Constitution of Equatorial Guinea grants the people with sovereignty to be exercised by way of universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Equatorial Guinea's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Eritrea====
Eritrea is a militarized authoritarian state and there has not been a national election since the independence from Ethiopia in 1993 (Freedom House, “Eritrea”).

====Estonia====
Chapter III, The People, Article 56 allows for the supreme power of state to be exercised by the people through citizens with the right to vote. Article 57 grants the right to vote to those of the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Estonia's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Eswatini====
Under Chapter VII, The Legislature, Section 88, Qualifications as a Voter, a person is qualified to vote if they are of the age of 18 and a citizen or ordinarily resident in Swaziland (Constitute Project, “Eswatini Constitution of 2005”).

====Ethiopia====
Article 38 of the Ethopian Constitution grants every Ethiopian national that is 18 years of age, without any discrimination, to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely chosen representatives through universal and equal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Ethiopia's Constitution of 1994”).

====Fiji====
According to Chapter 3, Parliament, Part B, Composition, Section 55, Voter Qualifications and Registration, of the Constitution of Fiji every citizen who is 18 years of age has the right to be registered as a voter, in the manner and form prescribed by a written law governing elections or registration of voters. (Constitute Project, “Fiji's Constitution of 2013”)

====Finland====
Section 14 of the Finish Constitution grants universal suffrage to every Finnish citizen who has reached 18 years of age and has the right to vote in national elections and referendums (Constitute Project, “Finland's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====France====
Under Article 3 of the French Constitution suffrage may be direct or indirect and will always be universal, equal and secret. (Constitute Project, “France's Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2008”)

====Gabon====
Under Title I, Article 4, Suffrage can be direct or indirect, is universal and secret. Gabonese citizens must be at least 18 years of age to vote. (Constitute Project, “Gabon’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====The Gambia====
According to Chapter 5, Article 39, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in universal elections through a secret ballot to freely elect representatives. (Constitute Project, “Gambia’s (The) Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Georgia====
Under Article 37 and Article 74 of Georgia’s Constitution, citizens have the right to vote in local elections and for members of Parliament in fair and free elections by secret ballots. (Constitute Project, “Georgia’s Constitution of 1995 with revisions through 2018”).

====Germany====
Under Article 37 of Germany’s constitution, every citizen over the age of 18 is allowed to vote in elections. Members of the German Butdestag are elected every four years via free, equal, direct, and secret elections (Constitute Project, “Germany’s Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Ghana====
Under Chapter 7, Article 42, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in public elections and referendum via secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Ghana’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Greece====
Under Section III, Article 51, every citizen who has met the minimum age requirement of 18, is not legally incapactiated, and has not had the right revoked for criminal actions must vote for members of Parliament via direct and secret ballots.(Constitute Project, “Greece’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Grenada====
Under Chapter III, Part I, any citizen who is 18 years of age or older may vote for his/her district representative for the House of Representatives unless that right has been legally revoked by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Grenada’s Constitution of 1973, Reinstated in 1991 and with Amendments through 1992”).

====Guatemala====
Under Chapter II, any citizen, by definition over 18 years of age, has the freedom of suffrage. Citizens may cast secret ballots to elect the Congress of the Republic, President, and Vice-President. (Consitute Project, “Guatemala’s Constitution of 1985 with Amendments through 1993”).

====Guinea====
Under Guinea’s Constitution, the President and members of the legislature are elected via free, equal, direct, and secret elections. All citizens are allowed to vote as long as they are over 18 and meet citizenship requirements. (Constitute Project, “Guinea’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Guinea-Bissau====
According to Section II, Article 63, The President of the Republic is elected through universal, secret suffrage of the electing citizens. Electing citizens must be 18 years or older. (Constitute Project, “Guinea-Bissau’s Constitution of 1984 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Guyana====
According to Title II, persons 18 years or upwards and either a citizen of Guyana or a commonwealth citizen who has also been a Guyana resident for 1 year may vote in elections for Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Haiti====
Under Article 17, Haitians 21 years or older may participate in universal voting regardless of sex or marital status. (Constitute Project, “Haitian Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Honduras====
According to Article 5, voting is seen as a public duty. All Honduras citizens, by definition over the age of 18, are obligated to vote in universal, egalitarian, direct, free, and secret elections. (Constitute Project, “Honduras’ Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Hungary====
Under Articles 2 and 35, members of the National Assembly and of Local government are elected via fair and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Hungry’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Iceland====
Under Article 33, all Icelandic citizens of the age of 18 or older have the right to vote in Althingi. Permanent naturalized Icelandic citizens is a requirement for non-birthright persons who wish to vote. Under Article 5, such persons may also vote for president. (Constitute Project, “Iceland’s Constitution of 1944 with Amendments through 2013”).

====India====
Article 326 of the Constitution provides that the elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage. The Constitution Act of 1988, the Sixty-first Amendment changed the age of voting to 18 (Government of India, “The Constitution (Sixty-first Amendment) Act, 1988”).

====Indonesia====
Citizens of Indonesia vote for members of the People’s Representative Council as long as they are over 17 and have a valid voter ID card. (Constitute Project, “Indonesia’s Constitution of 1945, reinstated in 1959 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Iran====
Under Article 62, the Islamaic Consultative Assembly is elected directly by the people through a secret ballot. Eligible voters must either be birthright citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran or naturalized citizens and of an age dictated by referendums and law. Under Article 6, the President and referendums must also be voted on by the public. (Constitute Project, “Iran’s (Islamic Republic of) Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1989”).

====Iraq====
In Article 20, the Iraqi Constitution states that all citizens shall have the right to vote, elect, and run for office. The voting age in Iraq is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005”).

====Republic of Ireland====
Under Article 16, all Irish citizens over the age of 18 have the right to universal elections of the Dáil Éireann. Under Article 12, all Irish citizens who have the right to vote for the Dáil Éireann have the right to vote for the President through Single Transferable Vote elections. (Constitute Project, “Ireland’s Constitution of 1937 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Israel====
Under Article 5, all Israeli Nationals over the age of 18 have the right to vote in elections to the Knesset, unless a court has deprived them of that right. (Constitute Project, “Israel’s Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Italy====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Ivory Coast====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Jamaica====
According to Article 37, any Jamaican citizen 21 years or older may be an elector in elections for the House of Representatives. Any naturalized citizen may also vote in elections for the House of Representatives as long as they have been naturalized for at least 12 months prior to registering to vote. (Constitute Project, “Jamaica’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Japan====
According to Article 15, Japanese citizens have an inalienable right to elect their public officials, both local and to the house of representatives. Universal adult suffrage is guaranteed to all citizens above an age set by referendum. (Constitute Project, “Japan’s Constitution of 1946 with Amendments”).

====Jordan====
According to Article 67, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected by general, secret and direct elections by the citizens of Jordan which will be defined by law. (Constitute Project, “Jordan’s Constitution of 1952 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kazakhstan====
According to Article 86, local representatives shall be elected by the of-age population through universal, secret suffrage for a five year term. In addition, under Article 41, the President of the Republic shall also be elected by the of-age population through universal suffrage via a secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Kenya====
Under Article 38, every citizen has the right to free and fair elections based on universal suffrage. Every citizen over the age of 18 can register as a voter, vote by secret ballot or in a referendum, and run for elected office. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Kiribati====
Under Article 64, every citizen of Kiribati who is over 18 and is a resident of one of the electoral districts established by the Kiribati constitution is entitled to be an elector in the district in which he is a resident. The person may then vote for his representative in the Maneaba ni Maungatabu. (Constitute Project, “Kiribati’s Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Kuwait====
Under Article 87, citizens have a right to elect members of The National Assembly every 4 years or if the Emir calls for a special election after dissolving The National Assembly. (Constitute Project, “Kuwait’s Constitution of 1979, reinstated in 1992”).

====Kyrgyzstan====
Under Article 2, all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by equal and direct elections with secret ballots. Citizens vote for the President of the country and members of the Jogorku Kenesh. (Constitute Project, “Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution of 2010, with Amendments through 2016”)

====Laos====
Under Article 4, members of the National Assembly and the Local People’s Assemblies are voted into office via equal and direct voting with secret ballots. The voting age in Laos is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, Laos’s Constitution of 1991, with Amendments through 2015)

====Latvia====
Under Chapter II, Article 6, The Saeima shall be elected in general, equal, and direct elections and by secret ballot through proportional representation by Latvian citizens over 18 years of age. Citizens who are eligible to vote for The Saeima are also eligible to vote in national referendums according to Chapter III, Article 80 of the Latvian Constitution. (Constitute Project, “Latvia’s Constitution of 1992, reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 2016”).

====Lebanon====
Under Article 21, every Lebanese citizen twenty-one years or older has the right to vote in public elections. Elections elect members to the Board of Deputies. (Constitute Project, Lebanon’s Constitution of 1926 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Lesotho====
Under Article 57, Citizens of Lesotho who are 18 years of age or older and reside in Lesotho may vote in elections to The National Assembly, which is the first chamber of the Lesotho government. (Constitute Project, “Lesotho’ Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Liberia====
Under Article 83, Citizens of Liberia may vote for the President, Vice-President, members of the Senate, members of The House of Representatives, and referendum once they meet the legal adult age as dictated by law. (Constitute Project, Liberia’s Constitution of 1986”).

====Libya====
Under Article 18, The National Transitional Council is the electoral body responsible for electing the President of Libya. This council consists of members of the local councils throughout the country. (Constitute Project, Libya’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Liechtenstein====
According to Article 46, Parliament shall consist of 25 publicly selected representatives that will be elected through secret, universal, and direct suffrage by Liechtenstein citizens over the age set by law. (Constitute Project, “Liechtenstein’s Constitution of 1921 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Lithuania====
According to Article 78, any citizen who has reached the age of 18 by election day has a right to vote in public, direct, and secret elections for the President of the Republic. Under Article 34, those who are eligible to vote for the President of the Republic may also participate in the elections of the Seimas. (Constitute Project, “Lithuania’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Luxembourg====
Under Article 32bis, The Deputies of the Chamber of Deputies are elected by universal suffrage following the rules of proportional representation. Any Luxembourg citizen of the age of 18 or older is eligible to vote in these elections according to Article 52. (Constitute Project, “Luxembourg’s Constitution of 1868 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Madagascar====
Under Article 5, Madagascar’s Constitution grants universal suffrage via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Madagascar is 18 years old. Additionally, Article 45 states that the President of the Republic is voted into office every 5 years by universal direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Madagascar's Constitution of 2010 ”).

====Malawi====
Under Article 77, an eligible voter must be a citizen of Malawi or a Malawi resident of at least 7 years, 18 years of age or older, and a resident of the constituency of which they are trying to vote. If all of these are true, the voter may participate in general elections, by-elections, presidential elections, local government elections, and referendums. (Constitute Project, “Malawi’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Malaysia====
Under Article 119, every citizen of Malaysia who is the age of 21 years or older, is a resident in a constituency, and is registered as an elector in the constituency in which he/she resides is eligible to vote in elections to the House of Representatives or the Legislative Assembly. (Constitute Project, “ Malaysia’s Constitution of 1957 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Maldives====
According to Article 26, every citizen over the age of 18 has the right to vote in elections and public referendums via secret ballots and run for office in the Maldives. According to Article 10, the President is elected by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Maldives’s Constitution of 2008 ”).

====Mali====
According to Article 27, suffrage is granted to all citizens of Mali over the age of 18 to participate in universal, equal, and secret elections. The President of Mali is elected every 5 years by an absolute majority of votes. Additionally, under Article 61, the Deputies are elected every 5 years via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Mali’s Constitution of 1992 ”).

====Malta====
According to Article 57, a citizen of Malta over the age of 18 and currently residing in Malta may vote in secret elections via transferable voting. These public elections are used to determine the members of the House of Representatives through proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Malta’s Constitution of 1964 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Marshall Islands====
According to Section 3, elections of the members of Nitijela shall be conducted via a secret ballot system based on universal suffrage of those who have attained the age of 18 years or greater unless they are certified insane or are currently serving time for a felony. (Constitute Project, “Marshall Islands’ Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1995”).

====Mauritania====
Under Article 3, suffrage, both indirect and direct, must be universal, equal, and secret and is a right provided to everyone who has met the legal age requirement regardless of gender. Article 26 states that The President is elected by universal suffrage. Under Article 47, the Deputies to the National Assembly are elected via direct suffrage, however the senators are elected via indirect suffrage in order to represent the all territories of The Republic. (Constitute Project, “Mauritania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Mauritius====
Under Article 42, a person may be an elector if they are a citizen of at least 18 years of age and reside in the constituency in which they wish to vote. Electors shall elect members of The Parliament of Mauritius which consists of 70 members and elects the President. (Constitute Project, “Mauritius’ Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Mexico====
Under Article 52, Mexicans of 18 years of age or older may participate in public elections. The House of Representatives shall be elected 1/3rd through uninominal voting and 2/3rds through proportional representation. All 128 senators shall be elected via majority voting by their own state. Under Article 41, elections of the legislative branch and executive branch shall be free, authentic, and periodical through universal and direct voting. (Constitute Project, “Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Federated States of Micronesia====
Under Article VI, a citizen of 18 years of age or greater may vote in secret national elections to the Senate. Law shall determine the length of time one must be a resident to register to vote. Conviction of a crime and insanity remove ones ability to vote. (Constitute Project, “Micronesia’s (Federal States of) Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 1990”).

====Moldova====
Under Article 38, all citizens who have attained 18 years of age have a right to suffrage unless prevented by law. Article 61 states that elections for the Parliament shall be elected by universal, direct, equal, secret, and freely expressed suffrage. Under Article 78, the President shall be elected by similarly run elections with a majority needed to become elected. If a majority is not found after the first ballot, a second ballot will be voted upon with the top two candidates to determine the winner. (Constitute Project, “Moldova’s (Republic of) Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Monaco====
According to Article 53, the 24 members of The National Council are elected by direct universal suffrage. Electors are Monegasque citizens, of either gender, who have reached 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Monaco’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Mongolia====
According to Article 21, members of The State Great Hural shall be elected by citizens who are qualified to vote, via universal, free, and direct voting. Under Article 31, each political party in The State Great Hural may provide one nominated presidential candidate which the citizens may vote on. (Constitute Project, “Mongolia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Montenegro====
The Constitution of Montenegro states that citizens (age 18 or older) are entitled to vote in national elections for members of Parliament and for the President. (Constitute Project, “Montenegro’s Constitution of 2007 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Morocco====
Article 2 of Morocco’s Constitution states that representatives are elected by the people via principles of universal and free suffrage. Article 30 expands on the claim to universal suffrage stating that voting is a “personal right and national duty” granted to Moroccan citizens (age 18 and older). (Constitute Project, “Morocco’s Constitution of 2011”).

====Mozambique====
Under Article 73, citizens of Mozambique are granted the right of universal, direct, and equal suffrage by secret ballot. Citizens of Mozambique can vote once they are 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Mozambique’s Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Myanmar====
Article 391 of Myanmar’s Constitution states that citizens at least 18 years old have the right to vote for each Hluttaw of their constituency. The only individuals that are not allowed to vote are those 1) “members of religious orders,” 2) those serving sentences, 3) incompetent individuals, 4) individuals otherwise disqualified by law. (Constitute Project, “Myanmar’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Namibia====
Under Article 17, every citizen of Namibia, who has reached the age of 18, has a right to suffrage. Article 28 states that the President shall be elected under direct, universal, and equal suffrage. The National Assembly, under Article 46, shall be composed of 96 members who are elected by general, direct, and secret ballot. 8 other members shall be appointed by the President. (Constitute Project, “Namibia’s Constitution of 1990 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nauru====
Article 84 states that citizens of Nauru can vote for members of Parliament and for referendums based on the principles of universal suffrage. The voting age in Nauru is 20 years old. (Constitute Project, “Nauru’s Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Nepal====
Under Article 84, any Nepali citizen who has attained the age of 18 years has a right to suffrage. The House of Representatives consists of 165 members to be elected through the post electoral system and 110 elected through a proportional representation electoral system. The National Assembly is voted upon by local elected leaders according to Article 86. According to Article 62, members from The National Assembly and The House of Representatives make up an electoral college to elect the President. (Constitute Project, “ Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kingdom of the Netherlands====
Article 4 of the Dutch Constitution states that every Dutch citizen has the right to elect members of Parliament and run for office, so long as they are over the age of 18. The voting age is set by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “ Kingdom of the Netherland's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2008”).

====New Zealand====
Article 12 of New Zealand’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the electoral rights of voting for members of the House of Representatives by secret ballot and to run to be a member of the House of Representatives. (Constitute Project, “New Zealand’s Constitution of 1852 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nicaragua====
Under Article 2 of Nicaragua’s Constitution, Nicaraguan citizens are granted the right of “sovereign power through their representatives” via equal, direct, universal and secret suffrage. Articles 132, 146, and 178 grant the right for citizens to vote for the President, legislators in the National Assembly, and local officials. (Constitute Project, “ Nicaragua’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Niger====
Article 7 of Niger’s Constitution grants Nigerian citizens over the age of 18 or “emancipated minors'' the right to direct and indirect suffrage via equal, free, and secret ballots. Articles 47 and 84 states that the President and The Deputies are elected via universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Niger’s Constitution of 2010 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Nigeria====
Article 4 of Nigeria’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for members of the House of Assembly. Article 117 states that any citizen over the age of 18 that is registered to vote may do so in these elections. (Constitute Project, “ Nigeria’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====North Korea====
Under Article 6, citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are granted the right of universal, equal and direct suffrage. Citizens over the age of 17 can vote for members of the Supreme People’s Assembly according to Article 89 and the local People’s Assembly under Article 138. (Constitute Project, “ North Korea’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2016”).

====North Macedonia====
Article 22 in the Constitution of North Macedonia grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in universal and direct elections with secret ballots. If a person is “deprived of the right to practice their profession by a court verdict,” they lose their right to vote. Citizens vote for the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia under Article 62 and the President of the Republic under Article 81. (Constitute Project, “North Macedonia (Republic of)'s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Norway====
Article 50 of Norway’s Constitution grants nearly all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote. Citizens residing outside Norway during the election or who “Suffer from a seriously weakened mental state” are subject to the determination of law on whether or not they may vote. (Constitute Project, “Norway's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Oman====
Under Article 58bis 9 of Oman’s Constitution, members of the Majlis Al Shura are elected through direct and secret votes. Citizens of Oman must be 21 or older to vote for these members. (Constitute Project, “ Oman’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Pakistan====
Article 51 states that an individual in Pakistan may vote if they are a citizen, are over the age of 18, are registered to vote, and have a sound mind. Members of the National Assembly are elected via direct and free suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973, reinstated in 2002 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Palau====
Article 7 of the Constitution of Palau grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in National and state elections. The Olbiil Era Kelulau (the legislative body) determines the residency requirements of voting in these elections. (Constitute Project, “Palau’s Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Panama====
Article 135 states that it is the right and duty of all citizens of Panama to vote in their free, universal, direct, and secret elections. The voting age in Panama is 18. Article 150 states that the members of the National Assembly of Panama are voted into office. (Constitute Project, “ Panama’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Papua New Guinea====
Under articles 50 and 126 all citizens over the age of 18 may vote unless they are serving a sentence over 9 months, have been convicted of a crime or have dual citizenship. Voters elect the members of Parliament via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Papua New Guinea’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Paraguay====
Article 118 of Paraguay’s Constitution states that it is the right and duty of citizens to vote in their universal, direct, equal and secret elections. Article 120 states that the voting age is 18 and that Paraguayan citizens living abroad may also vote. (Constitute Project, “ Paraguay’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Peru====
Under articles 111 and 191 the President and the Regional Governors are elected through universal suffrage. The voting age in Peru is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Peru’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2021”).

====Philippines====
Article 5 of the Constitution of the Philippines concerns suffrage, stating that citizens over the age of 18 that have resided in the country for the previous year are entitled to vote. Article 6 states that the members of the Senate, House of Representatives, and the President are elected to office by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Philippines’s Constitution of 1987”).

====Poland====
Article 62 of the Polish Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote for the President and representatives of the Sejm and Senate and participate in referendums. Article 127 states that the President of the Republic is elected by the people every 5 years via universal, direct, and secret voting. (Constitute Project, “ Poland’s Constitution of 1997 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Portugal====
Article 10 states that political power is exercised via universal, direct, and secret suffrage granted to citizens of Portugal (over 18 years of age). Article 121 states that the President of the Republic is elected via universal, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Portugal’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Qatar====
Under article 93 of Qatar’s Constitution the President is elected via secret ballot by the majority of votes from attending members of the Council. Qatar is not a democracy and therefore citizens have not traditionally had the right to vote for political officials. (Constitute Project, “ Qatar’s Constitution of 2003”).

====Romania====
Article 36 of Romania’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 who are mentally sound and have not had voting privileges revoked in court may vote. Articles 62 and 81 state that The Chamber of Deputies and the President are elected via universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Romania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Russia====
Article 81 states that the President is elected every 6 years via universal, equal, and direct suffrage by a secret ballot. The voting age in Russia is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Russia’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Rwanda====
Article 2 grants universal and equal suffrage to all Rwandan citizens via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Rwanda is 18 years old. Article 75 states that the Chamber of Deputies is elected to office via direct universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Rwanda’s Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Saint Kitts and Nevis====
Under article 29 of the Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by secret ballot for the purpose of electing Representatives. Article 38 also grants these same individuals the right to vote in referendums. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Kitts and Nevis’s Constitution of 1983”).

====Saint Lucia====
Article 33 grants citizens (over the age of 18) the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives via universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Lucia’s Constitution of 1978”).

====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====
Under article 27 all citizens who are over the age of 18 and meet proper residence requirements are entitled to vote for representatives based on the principles of universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’s Constitution of 1979”).

====Samoa====
The Constitution of Samoa has little mention of universal and direct suffrage because the Head of State is appointed by the Legislative Assembly. Members of the Legislative Assembly are elected to represent the 41 territorial villages, however the specifics of voter laws and processes are not described. It is known, however, that the voting age is 21. (Constitute Project, “Samoa’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2017”).

====San Marino====
According to Article 7, suffrage is universal, secret, and direct and is granted to all citizens of the country over the legal voting age of 18. (Policing Law, “San Marino’s Constitution of 1974”).

====São Tomé and Príncipe====
Article 58 of the Constitution grants all citizens over the age of18 the right to vote as long as they are competent. Article 78 states that the President of the Republic is elected by universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “São Tomé and Príncipes’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Saudi Arabia====
Citizens of Saudi Arabia do not typically have the consistent and direct right to vote in elections, especially for national offices. Elections have been held intermittently in recent history. (Constitute Project, “Saudi Arabia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Senegal====
Article 3 of Senegal’s Constitution grants Senegalese citizens over the age of 18 the right to direct and indirect suffrage by equal and secret ballot. Articles 26 and 59 state that the President and the representative assembly are elected via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Senegal’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Serbia====
Under article 52 of Serbia’s Constitution all individuals of the proper age (18 years old) and working status are entitled to universal, free, and direct voting by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Serbia’s Constitution of 2006”).

====Seychelles====
Under article 24 of the Constitution of Seychelles all citizens over the age of 18 have the right to be registered as a voter as well as to participate in public affairs and run for office. Both the President and members of the National Assembly are elected into office. (Constitute Project, “Seychelles’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Sierra Leone====
According to article 31 of Sierra Leone’s Constitution, citizens over the age of 18 with a sound mind of the right to register to vote. Article 42 states that the President of Sierra Leone is voted on by these electors. (Constitute Project, “Sierra Leone’s Constitution of 1991, reinstated in 1996 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Singapore====
According to the Constitution of Singapore, citizens vote in two types of elections, parliamentary and presidential. Citizens of Singapore can vote once they are 21 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Singapore’s Constitution of 1963 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Slovakia====
Article 30 of Slovakia’s Constitution states that the right to vote granted to Slovakian citizens is universal, equal and direct. Additionally, it states that citizens have the right to vote for their national representatives and in municipal elections. The voting age in Slovakia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Slovakia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Slovenia====
Under Article 43, all citizens over the age of 18 can vote in the universal and equal elections. Additionally, in some cases, aliens of Slovenia may vote as determined by the law. Article 80 states that the members of the National Assembly are elected via these universal and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Slovenia’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Solomon Islands====
The Preamble to the Constitution of the Solomon Islands states that their government is based on the principles of universal suffrage. Article 56 explands on this notion, stating that citizens must be registered to vote. The voting age is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Solomon Islands’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Somalia====
Under article 141 of Somalia’s Constitution eligible voters have the right to vote in referendums and by secret ballot in elections. The voting age in Somalia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “ Somalia’s Constitution of 2012”).

====South Africa====
Articles 1 and 19 of South Africa’s Constitution make note of adult citizens’ right to universal, equal, and fair elections as well as to run for political office. Article 47 states that these adult citizens have the right to elect the members of the National Assembly.(Constitute Project, “South Africa’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2012”).

====South Korea====
According to Article 24 of South Korea’s Constitution, all citizens (over the age of 19) are allowed to vote in elections. Article 67 states that the President of South Korea should be elected based on the principles of universal and direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “South Korea’s Constitution of 1948 with Amendments through 1987”).

====South Sudan====
Article 56 of South Sudan’s Constitution states that members of the National Legislative Assembly are voted into office based on the principles of universal and fair suffrage by adult citizens of the nation, age 17 and older. (Constitute Project, “South Sudan’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Spain====
Under article 23 of Spain’s Constitution adult citizens (over the age of 18) have the right to participate in public affairs and elect their representatives through universal and free elections. (Constitute Project, “ Spain’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Sri Lanka====
Under Article 88 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution, all adult citizens have the right to elect the President and Members of the Parliament, as well as vote on a referendum, as long as they are registered to vote and are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Sri Lanka’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Sudan====
Sudan’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for the President as well as members of the National Legislature. Citizens of Sudan can vote in these elections once they are 17 years old. (Constitute Project, “Sudan’s Constitution of 2019”).

====Suriname====
Article 54 of Suriname’s Constitution gives adult citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote as long as they are registered voters. Articles 57 and 58 states that citizens have the right to vote for the members of the National Assembly barring their right to vote has not been revoked by the courts (Constitute Project, “Suriname’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Sweden====
The Preamble of Sweden’s Constitution notes that their democracy is founded upon the principles of universal suffrage. Article 4 expands on this notion stating that all citizens (at home or abroad) over the age of 18 can vote for the members of the Riksdag. (Constitute Project, “Sweden’s Constitution of 1974 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Switzerland====
Article 136 of the Swiss Constitution lays out the political right for Swiss citizens, stating that all Swiss citizens over the age of 18 (unless they are mentally incapable of doing so) may vote in their free elections. The Swiss legislature can create mandatory and optional referendums. (Constitute Project, “Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Syria====
Under Article 59 of Syria’s Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 and meet the proper “conditions” have the right to vote in elections. Article 57 states that the members of the People’s Assembly are elected by these voters.(Constitute Project, “Syria’s Constitution of 2012”).

====Tajikistan====
Under Articles 49 and 65, members of the Majlisi Namoyandagon and the President of Tajikistan are elected in universal and free elections by secret ballot. Citizens in Tajikistan can vote if they are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Tajikistan’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tanzania====
Article 5 in Tanzania’s Constitution grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in any election. Members of Parliament and the President are elected by the people. (Constitute Project, “Tanzania’s Constitution of 1977 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Thailand====
Article 95 of the Thai Constitution grants Thai citizens of 5 years or more that are registered and are at least 18 years old the right to vote. Article 85 states that members of the House of Representatives of Thailand are elected via direct suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Thailand’s Constitution of 2017”).

====Togo====
Under article 5 of the Constitution of Togo grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to universal, equal, and secret suffrage. Articles 52, 59, and 141 state that the Deputies, President, and territorial collectivities are voted into office based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Togo’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tonga====
Tongan citizens over the age of 21 who are not nobles, insane or disabled by the definitions of the 23rd Article can vote for representatives, according to Article 64. Citizens living abroad may also vote as long as they are registered. (Constitute Project, “Tonga’s Constitution of 1875 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Trinidad and Tobago====
Under Article 51, citizens 18 years or older and that have proper residence may vote and run for office. Eligible voters elect the members of the legislature and the President. (Constitute Project, “Trinidad and Tobago’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tunisia====
Under Article 54, Tunisian citizens are eligible voters if they are at least 18 years old. Article 55 states that these voters elect the members of the Assembly of the Representatives of the People via principles of universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tunisia’s Constitution of 2014”).

====Turkey====
Article 67 of Turkey’s Constitution gives its citizens (18 years old or older) the right to vote, run for office, and engage in political activity. Some members of the Armed Forces and individuals convicted of crimes cannot vote. Articles 75 and 101 grant voters the right to elect the members of the Grand National Assembly and the President via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Turkey’s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Turkmenistan====
Under Article 119, citizens of Turkmenistan who are at least 18 years old can vote for the President of Turkmenistan, the deputies of the Mejlis, and members of the People’s Council. (Constitute Project, “Turkmenistan’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tuvalu====
Article 87 of the Tuvalu Constitution states that the members of Parliament are voted into office by voting age (18 years old) adults based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tuvalu’s Constitution of 1986 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Uganda====
Articles 78 and 103 grant citizens of Uganda the right to vote for representatives and the President through processes of universal suffrage by secret ballot. The voting age in Uganda is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Uganda’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Ukraine====
Articles 70 and 71 of Ukraine’s Constitution lay out the rights of voters. Ukrainian citizens age 18 or older who are not deemed incompetent can vote in local and national elections based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Ukraine’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2016”).

====United Arab Emirates====
Under article 46 of section 1, The Supreme Council of the Union, each Emirate shall have a single vote in the deliberations of the council. According to article 49 decisions of the council and procedural matters shall be taken by majority vote. Article 61 states that the decisions are secret and in an evenly divided vote the Chairman’s vote shall prevail. There are no political parties and, until the beginning of the 21st century, no elections were held. Now, an electoral college meets every four years to select half of the members of the advisory Federal National Council, the other half is designated by appointment. (Constitute Project, “United Arab Emirates's Constitution of 1971 with Amendments through 2004”)

====United Kingdom====
The Reform Act of 1832 was the first piece of legislation to expand voting rights in the United Kingdom. It established that men above the age of 21 who were freeholders of property could vote. Universal suffrage was established with the Representation of the People Act 1969, which extended the right to vote to all persons of age (Anglotopia, "The History of Voting Rights in the United Kingdom")

====United States====
U.S. election laws first were seen in Article 1 of the Constitution, which gave states the responsibility to oversee federal elections. Since then, many Constitutional amendments and federal laws have been put in place to protect voting rights such as the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, and Twenty-sixth Amendment (USA Gov, "Voting and Elections").

====Uruguay====
Chapter 2 article 77 of the 1966 Constitution of Uruguay states that since every citizen is a member of the sovereignty of the nation, they are eligible to vote and participate in the electoral process (Constitute Project, "Uruguay's Constitution of 1966, Reinstated in 1985, with Amendments through 2004").

====Uzbekistan====
The law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage in 1994 granted Citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan the right to take part in public and state affairs both as directly and through their representatives (Legislaionline, "Law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage").

====Vanuatu====
The 1980 Constitution under Chapter 1, National Sovereignty, The Electoral Franchise and Political Parties, entitles every citizen of age thee right to vote (Constitute Project, "Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2013").

====Venezuela====
Under the 1999 Constitution of Venezuela, Article 64, all Venezuelans over the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, Venezuela's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2009).

====Vietnam====
According to Chapter I, Political System, Article 7 of the Vietnmaese Constitution the elections are held in accordance with the principles of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. Under Chapter II, Human Rights and Citizen’s Fundamental Rights and Duties, Article 27 citizens of the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, “Vietnam’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Yemen====
Under Part Three, Organization of the State Authorities, Chapter 1, Article 63 of the Yemeni Constitution, The members of the House of Representatives shall be elected in a secret free and equal vote directly by the people (Constitute Project, “Yemen's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Zambia====
Article 75, clause 1 of the 1991 Constitution grants every citizen of Zambia who has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter (Election Access, "Zambia").

====Zimbabwe====
According to ZImbabwe’s Constitution, Chapter 7, Elections, Part one, Electoral Systems and Processes, Number 155, Principles of the Electoral System, elections must be held regularly and referendums to which the Constitution applies must be peaceful, free, conducted by a secret ballot and based on universal suffrage and equality (Constitute Project, “Zimbabwe's Constitution of 2013”).

===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
Other noteworthy written sources that mention an implicit right to vote in a more modern context include Thomas Rainsborough during the British Putney Debates in 1647, where he stated, “I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that Government that he hath not had a voice to put Himself under.” Rainsborough’s speech at the Putney Debates also alluded to a divine right to vote:

"I do think the main cause why Almighty God gave men reason, it was that they should make use of that reason…every man born in England cannot, ought not, neither by the law of God nor the law of nature, to be exempted from the choice of those who are to make laws for him to live under." (Rainsborough)

In the United States, the 1776 Constitution of Virginia was one of the first written sources to establish a protected right to vote, stating that “all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage.” Federalist 52, written by James Madison, also alludes to the importance of voting rights, stating “the definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government” (Avalon Project). Similar to earlier conceptions of democracy as a means of quelling the potential for rebellion, concessions to expand voting rights in Great Britain, in particular, were in large part made by political leaders to “prevent the necessity of revolution” among the population (National Archives). In both of these cases, however, the right to vote was granted solely to property-owning men, and it would not be until the mid-19th Century that the connection between the right to vote and property ownership would be removed in both Great Britain and the United States. Additionally, perceptions of suffrage as a universal right have come about much more recently, with New Zealand becoming the first country to legally recognize suffrage as a universal right in 1893 under Part One of the Electoral Act, which outlined that “every person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards who has resided for one year in the colony” was eligible to vote.

===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
An Aristotelian approach to voting is complex, in part because democracies of his day functioned differently than those today. Aristotle broke the selection of officials into three main categories. The first was selection of officials by lot in which case office would be open to all citizens. Aristotle viewed selection by lot to be a democratic feature. The second category was selecting officials by means of elections, which he considered to be more oligarchic and aristocratic. The third category was a combination of the first two, in which some members were elected for the purpose of certain matters and others were chosen either by lot from all or by lot from a preselected group, or these two groups worked together in the same offices (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b5).

Aristotle outlined election features of different types of democracies that were considered democratic because of their incorporation of the assembly. The first type would be that in which offices were open to all but would be appointed in turn by magistrates. In this case few things would be decided by all in the assembly, but the assembly would decide on the passage of laws and they would approve or withhold the selection of officials by magistrates. Aristotle did not specifically explain how magistrates would go about selecting officials in this type of democracy (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a9). Another type of democracy was one in which more matters were decided by the assembly, including legislation and selecting offices. Offices would be chosen by lot, except in the cases where an office required a special skill or knowledge, in which case they would be chosen by election (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a24). In the final form of democracy, the assembly would decide all matters. Officials would only be necessary for organizational purposes to ensure the assembly ran properly, and officials would not have final judgment on matters (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a28). In the case of democracies, Aristotle suggested paying the poor to attend the assembly and fining the rich for not. He also recommended limitations on payment for attendance in order to ensure the common people would not outweigh the rich. Aristotle wanted to avoid oligarchy by evening the influence of the rich and the poor, to ensure the common interest was at hand (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b11).

Aristotle also outlined differences in voting procedures in different types of oligarchies as well as mixed regimes and aristocracies and polities. One type of oligarchy was that in which officials were elected from among those who had the requisite amount of wealth. Another type was that in which all who had the requisite amount of wealth shared in rule. There were also cases of aristocracy or polity in which case all had control over matters of war, peace, and taking audits, but magistrates had control of everything else, including laws and electing officials. This type of regime would not be democratic because officials were not chosen by all, or at least not approved by all in the assembly. However, because all still decided on other matters such as war and peace, the regime would not be an oligarchy. “Lot is a democratic feature and will make them [regimes] polities by opening up office to many; election is an oligarchic and aristocratic feature and will either confine office to the wealthy (in which case the regime will be an aristocracy in the sense in which oligarchic polities are aristocracies) or to those with a certain quality or virtue (in which case the regime will be genuinely aristocratic…)” (Simpson 2002, 345). In general, Aristotle believed that rulers should rule in the common best interest, rather than solely in their own best interest (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1279a28). In the case of oligarchy, Aristotle recommended affording the populace the ability to give some input on political decisions, as this could promote peace, even if they were not given power in final decision making (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b26).

Aristotle had two large concerns with elections, campaigning and demagoguery. In terms of campaigning, Aristotle was concerned that only the people who wanted to be in office would be, rather than the people who necessarily deserved to be in office. He believed that a man who was worthy of office should accept the position regardless of if he wanted to (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1271a10). He also thought that campaigning “promotes love of honor, the cause, along with love of money, of most voluntary wrongs or deliberate acts of injustice” (Simpson 2002, 118). It is the pursuit of these wrongs that leads to tyranny. Additionally, regarding demagoguery, Aristotle worried that class interests would dominate elections, rather than the good of the whole. To prevent this, he recommended that the populace be divided into local groups for voting in elections. He believed that by voting in such groups, people would be less concerned with their general class interest, and would be more alert to local ties (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1305a28).

While Aristotle strongly believed citizens should participate in politics, he did not support extending political rights to slaves, women, or laborers. He thought that slaves did not possess the intellectual skills to be able to govern themselves, and hence would be subject to the governing of others (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1254b16-23). Similarly, women were viewed as naturally inferior to men with less capability of leading (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1259b1-2). An important point that Aristotle emphasized was that citizens should be ruled by their equals, resulting in a reciprocal equality, unlike that between slaves and their masters or women and men, and therefore women and slaves were not considered citizens. As for laborers and artisans, Aristotle believed that “there is a need for leisure both with a view to the creation of virtue and with a view to political activities,” which laborers and artisans did not have sufficient time for (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1329a1-2).

====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====

'''Confucianism'''

Confucianism presents that a virtuous person, and therefore a virtuous society, can only come about through the understanding of an individual’s place within their society, and the eager participation in the rites and rituals of the society by that individual (Mark, 2020). If both these things are realized, there will be a righteous and happy culture.

The two major parts of understanding one’s place in their social system is honoring ones familial and social superiors: “Filial piety and fraternal submission,--are they not the root of all benevolent actions?” (''Analects'', 1.2). Within the Analects, there are many rules emphasizing the actions and attitudes one must take to those one should honor. Confucianism proposes that interest in oneself is limiting and: “To subdue one’s self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue”.

This importance on the collective can harshly rub against one of the founding traditions towards the right to vote, as the right usually implies a dissatisfaction found within the current leadership when the right is expressed—certainly the modern origins of voting were led by that dissatisfaction. In fact, the insistence of usurping the power traditionally given to political superiors is greatly disrespectful and damaging under the Confucian view: “The requisites of government are that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler” (12.7). Confucianism reveals the highly individual nature of the right to vote which rises from a discontent towards the present politics.

Confucianism can reveal the other, more collective side of the right to vote as well, however. The overcoming of the self is key for Confucianism which is realized when: “…one de-emphasizes the boundaries between oneself and others, and gives one’s own and others’ concerns as much weight as is appropriate to the situation” (Chang & Kalmanson, 2010, pg. 109). This is immanently compatible with the right to vote. Moreover, public rituals were seen as the path towards peace and virtue: “In practicing the rules of [ritual] propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. This is the Way of the ancient kings, a quality of excellence, and in things small and great follow them” (''Analects'', 1.12). Later: “The management of a state demands the rules of [ritual] propriety” (11.26). Under this lens, the right to vote is a ritual with which the current political and social order is being upheld, as well as an opportunity for citizens to participate together. Confucianism reveals how the right to vote is also a modern ritual of political participation,

Confucianism shows how the right to vote has a paradoxical nature. On the one hand, it is a mechanism that allows citizens to privately disrespect their leaders and voice their resentment with the qualities of their current political system. At the same time, voting also acts as a modern-day ritual that is experienced with other citizens.

'''Taoism'''

Central to Taoism is the full acceptance of the Tao. Describing the Tao is difficult as the very first lines of the Laozi texts state: “The tao that can be told is not the eternal Tao. The name that can be named is not the ternal Name” (''Tao Te Ching'', 1). This notwithstanding, the Tao is akin to the source and substance of nature (James, 2015). It both creates and holds everything that is existing. With this expansiveness, the ambitions and anxieties of man’s daily life are unimportant and giving them special attention would be a personal mistake: “Heaven and earth are not like humans, they are impartial” (Tao Te Ching, 5).

The strivings that people have create a paradoxical relationship between our ambition and their outcomes and this relationship is found all throughout the foundational text: “The pride of wealth and position brings about their own misfortune” (9). What we strive towards will usually bring what we are trying to avoid. The Taoist prescription to this issue is wu wei, which is a type of nonattached, spontaneous action. With wu wei, one doesn’t struggle to get anywhere, rather they are just expressing their natures as part of the Tao: “To win true merit, to preserve just fame, the personality must be retiring. This is the heavenly [Tao]” (9).

The connection between Taoism and the right to vote can be readily made. The Taoist political life and rule is decidedly hands off. If it were intentional and active, one would reach similar problems to the ones that result from striving for things in one’s daily life. The Taoist errs on the side of not-intervening: “Among people the more restrictions and prohibitions there are, the poorer they become…The more laws and orders are issued the more thieves and robbers abound” (57). Later it states: “If a ruler practices wu wei the people will reform themselves” (57). The implication is that the more active a society’s politics is, the worse outcomes will occur for the state and its people. This shows that the Taoist has a preference towards a freer politics where the ruling forces are not apparent: “When great men rule, subjects know little of their existence…How carefully a wise ruler chooses his words. He performs deeds, and accumulates merit! Under such a ruler the people think they are ruling themselves” (17). Many have taken the Tao Te Ching as advocating for anarchism (Irwin, 2014; Rapp, 2012; Stamatov, 2014), and despite the inclusion of a ruler in most of its political references, this interpretation is quite proximal.

As with Confucianism, Taoism provides two insights about the right to vote. On one hand, the right to vote for citizens is a decidedly more emphasized version of the allowance for people’s self-reformation. While this reformation decidedly occurs through the changing of one’s rulers, voting rights allow the people to go their own way, and live according to the ever changing, spontaneous desires and ideas that they hold, and the elected leadership reflects that.

On the other hand, Taoism shows that the right to vote can come from a misguided ambition to change society, usually for unnecessary reasons. It is this discontented impulse which is responsible for the right to vote, and according to Taoism, this impulse brings with it dire consequences. Under this view, voting is unnecessary, and just another expression of man caring for things that are not his business. Of course, voting could also be an act of concession where the voter chooses for what their society already believes and approves of. Voting in this way is not to change anything, but rather to continue what is already present. However, it is arguable that the Taoist would still be against this as this prevents the spontaneous change present in the Tao.

====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====

In early Indian philosophy, there is little or no mention of voting rights. However, many ancient scriptures in different civilizations mention representative forms of government. In various regions of ancient India, republican governments existed. During the nineteenth century, research into the Buddhist Pali Canon revealed existing republicanism at the time. (Muhlberger, 1998). The Pali Canon provides a far more complete, though somewhat oblique, account of democratic institutions in Indian Philosophy, confirming and expanding on Panini's vision. The Maha-parinibbana-suttanta, the Mahavagga, and the Kullavagga are three of the Canon's oldest and most revered parts. Taken together, they preserve the Buddha's teachings for the proper operation of the Buddhist monastic community – the Sangha – after his death. (Muhlberger, 1998). They were the most reliable source on voting processes in a corporate body during the early Buddhist period. They also provide some insight into the development of democratic thought.

According to Panini, all northern India's states and territories (janapadas) during his time were founded on the colonization or conquest of a specific area by an identified warrior group who still controlled the political life of that area (Basham, 1959). Some of these peoples (known as janapadins by Panini) were ruled by a king who was, at least in theory, of their own blood and maybe reliant on their support (Muhlberger, 1998). Other than that, the janapadins handled their affairs in a republican fashion. Thus, in both types of state, the government was dominated by persons classed as ksatriyas, or members of the warrior caste, as later times would describe it (Hays, 2015). Another example is a republican federation known as the Kshudrak-Malla Sangha which posed serious resistance to Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC. Many more republican regimes in India have been mentioned by the Greeks, some of which were classified as pure democracies and others as "aristocratic republics” (Muhlberger, 1998).

According to Prakash (2006), a vote was called a 'chhanda,' which literally translates to a 'wish.' This evocative word was used to communicate the concept that voting expresses a member's free will and choice. There used to be multi-colored voting tickets called 'shalakas' (pins) for voting in the assembly . When a division was called, they were handed to members and collected by an officer of the assembly called the ‘shalaka grahak' (collector of pins). This official was chosen by the entire assembly. It was his responsibility to conduct the vote, which may be secret or open. However, Indian republics are beginning to sound extremely undemocratic by our modern standards, with real power concentrated in the hands of a few patriarchs representing the leading lineages of one privileged section of the warrior caste.

References:

Basham, A. L. (1959). India as Known to Pāṇini (A Study of the Cultural Material of the Ashṭādhyāyī). By V. S. Agrawala. pp. xx + 549, 3 maps, plate. Lucknow University, 1953. Rs. 50. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 91(3-4), 181–183. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00118544

Muhlberger, S. (1998). Democracy in Ancient India. https://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_muhlb_democra_frameset.htm

Prakash, A. (2006). Law relating to elections: an essential revision aid for law students. Universal Law Pub.

Hays, J. (2015). ANCIENT INDIA IN THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA. Facts and Details. http://factsanddetails.com/india/History/sub7_1a/entry-4105.html

====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====

Kant thought that citizens of a state could only be property-owning male or active members of society, and that they were the only individuals who could vote (Kant, 1991, p.27, para.1). With that in mind, as well as his hypothetical social contract theory, maintaining a just state under Kantianism seems unlikely. This is especially true when victims of the system, such as women, youth, the poor, minorities, and others, do not have a voice in what happens to them or their lives through voting and representation. Kant's system is geared on keeping the property owner and independent, while keeping the rest of society silent and dependent (Glawson, 2016). One might expect from this emphasis that Kant would insist that the proper political system is one that not only allows individuals to think for themselves about political issues, but also contains a mechanism such as voting to translate those well-reasoned opinions into government policy.

In his discussion in “Perpetual Peace” of the traditional division of the types of government Kant classifies governments in two dimensions. The first is the “form of sovereignty” (forma imperii), concerning who rules, and here Kant identifies the traditional three forms: autocracy, aristocracy, and democracy, “the power of a prince, the power of a nobility, and the power of the people” (Kant, 1991, p. 100). The second is the “form of government” (forma regiminis) concerning how those people rule, and here Kant offers a variation on the traditional good/bad dichotomy: either republican or despotic (Kant, 1991, p.101). The term ‘republican’ in Kant’s writings, “could be interpreted to represent what nowadays is generally called parliamentary democracy” (Kant, 1991, p.25, para.2). Despotism is defined as a state of unity in which the same ruler makes and enforces rules, thus transforming an individual's private will into the public will. Kant differentiates between a republicanism and despotism emphasizing that a ‘republican’ form of government is “where the executive is separated from the legislature, and the despotic, where it is not” (Kant, 1991, p.29, para.1)

Republics require representation to guarantee that the executive authority exclusively executes the will of the people by requiring the executive to enforce only laws enacted by representatives of the people, not the executive itself. However, a republic may function with just one lawmaker if other people serve as executives (Rauscher, 2016). Kant warns from the danger of a monarch becoming a tyrant. A monarch would enact laws in the name of the people, but the monarch's ministers would oversee enforcing them. Thus, like Rousseau, Kant is convinced that the adage of a republican government is the respect of law by the people and also by the ruler and the sovereign. (Kant, 1991, p.30, para.2). Kant's argument that such a government is republican demonstrates his belief that a republican government does not need real participation of the people in creating laws, even though elected representatives, as long as the laws are issued with the people's entire united will in mind.

When Kant addresses voting for representatives, he conforms to many of the time's prevalent biases. The right to vote necessitates, in Kant’s words, "being one's own master," (Kant, 1991, p.27), which entails owning property or having a talent that can sustain oneself. Kant classes those who are independent as ‘active’ citizens and those who are not as ‘passive’. He also excludes women from voting, claiming that “ [Women] are, on principle, disqualified. But any legislation should always be enacted and carried out as if the passive citizens too were participating” (Kant, 1991, p.27). His thesis is that these people are unsuitable to vote because they lack the ability to reason and have no free choice “being one’s own master” (Kant, 1991, p. 27). The mentally sick and the elderly who are unable to function are further instances of people who lack reason and are not their own masters. According to Kant, the presumption of being "one's own master" is essential for citizenship eligibility. For example, at least in Kant’s time, when a woman got married, her possessions became her husband's, and she is expected to completely rely on him, thus she does not own property and consequently excluded from voting (Glawson, 2017). To summarize, Kant did not believe that married women could be active members of a state or citizens since they are incompetent and dependent by their very nature as women (Glawson, 2017). Thus, Kant believes that just by adopting the people's point of view, a single individual or small group may properly represent the people at large. Insistence on a representative system is not the same as insisting on a representative system that is elected.

Regardless, Kant clearly believes that an elective representational democracy is preferable. Republican constitutions, he says, are more likely to prevent war because, when the people's permission is required, they will weigh the costs of war (fighting, taxes, property damage, and so on), but a non-republican ruler may be immune to such considerations. He also mentions in the "Doctrine of Right" that a republican government represents the people "by all the citizens united and acting via their delegates" (Rauscher, 2016).

References:

Glawson, J. D. (2017, November 24). Immanuel Kant on Suffrage: With a Libertarian Disagreement. Medium. https://medium.com/@JoshuaGlawson/immanuel-kant-on-suffrage-with-a-libertarian-disagreement-d6f149df3658

Kant, I. (1991). Kant: political writings. Cambridge University Press.

Rauscher, F. (2016, September 1). Kant's social and political philosophy. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant-social-political/

====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====

Weberian Thought (3.1.31)
Through the democratic process in which citizens elect their representatives to government, Weberian Thought held the promise that it would be possible to rewrite the historically authoritarian regime of Prussia (Germany at Weber’s time) perpetuated by Junkers, wealthy conservative landowners, and monarchists before the war. (Maley, 2011, p.76). Weber envisioned his model as a counterpoint to both the left's Social Democrats and the right's monarchists and Junkers.

According to Weber, equal suffrage meant equal universal voting rights for working classes who had historically been barred from voting. In his writings on equal suffrage in modern citizenship, he clearly states that equal suffrage is “closely related to the equality of certain fates which the modern state as such creates” (Weber, 1994, p. 105). He explicitly focuses on returning soldiers’ rights, and argues that the equality of the modern state functions in the way that people are equal before death, because the
“most basic needs [of physical existence] on the one hand and, on the other, that most solemn and lofty fact of all are encompassed by those equalities which the modern state offers all its citizens in a truly lasting and undoubted way: sheer physical security and the minimum for subsistence, but also the battlefield on which to die” (Weber, 1994, p.105, para.2)

Weber does not emphasize on women’s suffrage, he does, however, say that women should have the right to vote as long as “they too are ‘fighting’ the war if they do their duty” (Weber, 1994, p.78, line.14). Moreover, in “Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology”, Weber notes that “the woman is dependent because of the normal superiority of the physical and intellectual energies of the male” (Weber, 1978, p.1007). The Weberian Thought on voting was aiming to correct historical gender and class inequities or might at least mitigate the most severe exclusions of women, the urban working class, and the rural peasantry from power and government.

Weber's ideas for equal suffrage might be viewed as a partial erasing of historical discriminatory markings. Weber's suggestions have a deeper element to them than the more neutral sounding ‘counterweight’ to bureaucratic dominance (Weber, 1994, p.104). Equal suffrage emerged as a valuable counterbalance to both types of inequity. Weber saw that the inequities created by capitalism might be just as persistent as those created by prior, more feudal social systems. Against both, Weber advocated for a ‘positive politics’ in which “equal voting rights” means that the individual “is not considered in terms of the particular professional and family position he occupies, nor in relation to the differences of material and social situation, but purely and simply as a citizen” (Weber, 1994, p.103).

During the Russian revolution, enraged workers, students, and returning soldiers took to the streets in protest of the existing regime's ruler, Tsar Nicholas II, who had obstructed their enfranchisement and rights prior to the war and then ordered mass slaughter on the battlefield. Weber recognized their outrage at the collapsing regime, but he dismissed their demands for more revolutionary, far-reaching reform as immature. Although Weber understood the anger of Russian revolutionists against the crumbling regime, he saw it as immature and ‘childish’ (Maley, 2011, p. 99). Weber was concerned that under the Russian revolutionary circumstances of 1918–19, people would respond out of anger and rage, which would be doubly harmful. In “Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order”, Weber had already wondered “whether such explosions unleash yet again the familiar and usual fear of the propertied classes; in other words, it depends on whether the emotional effect of undirected mass fury produces the equally emotional and equally undirected cowardice of the bourgeoisie” (Weber, 1994, p. 232)

In his wartime newspaper writings, Weber made a strategic case for the Social Democratic Party's participation as a disciplined working-class party. Though Weber considered the working class to be too “immature” to take on the role of a ruling class, he praised the discipline and self-control of the Social Democrats' political partners, the trade unions. He said approvingly that “organizations like the trade unions, but also the Social Democratic Party, create a very important counterbalance [not only against the right, but] to the rule of the street which is so typical of purely plebiscitary nations and so prone to momentary and irrational influences” (Weber, 1994, p. 231).

References:

Maley, T. (2011). Democracy and the Political. In Democracy & the Political in Max Weber's Thought (pp. 77-120). Toronto; Buffalo; London: University of Toronto Press. Retrieved July 16, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttgq2.7

Weber, M. (1994). Weber: Political Writings. United States: Cambridge University Press.

Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology. University of California Press.

====Process Philosophy====

Process philosophy is a philosophical tradition that describes reality as primarily being made up of processes or events, rather than objects (Rescher, 2000, pg. 4). This means that when we look at supposedly static objects in our world, we are actually seeing a constantly changing event or an action taking place, and things that seem like they are static are just processes that are relatively more stable than others. Nicholas Rescher describes the main claim succinctly: “Even on the surface of it, verbs have as good a claim to reality as nouns. For process theorists, ''becoming'' is no less important than ''being''…The phenomenology of change is stressed precisely because the difference between a museum and the real world of an ever-changing nature is to be seen as crucial to our understanding of reality” (pg. 4).

While a political connection to Process Philosophy’s metaphysical and ontological claims seems far-fetched, Alfred North Whitehead—perhaps the most rigorous and defining theorist for Process Philosophy in the 20th century—claimed that the goal of philosophy is to “…voyage towards the larger generalities” of human life and behavior (Whitehead, 1979, pg. 94). This meaning that an understanding of the nature of reality will then give you access to insights of psychology, aesthetics, ethics, sociology, language, and virtually every other human enquiry and experience.

The majority of political history, static roles were assigned to rulers and their subjects. A king and his identity were stamped definitively, and this title was described as chosen by God; the king’s unchanging identity was a thing ''in'' the universe. The Process Philosophy critique of this type of conception is decidedly an aesthetic one: “People instinctively dislike being described in thing-classificatory terms…Such object-property attributions indicate a fixed nature that we naturally see as repugnant to ourselves” (pg. 14). This is to say, a political system which tries its hardest to stay the same and not go through changes in power and interactions goes against how reality is presented and organized to us, as well as what we value in ourselves and others.

With this analysis, the right to vote can clearly be understood. After thousands of years of static politics, people began to advocate for a political system which would better reflect the dynamism, novelty, and change seen in reality. The right to vote allows for processes like changes in leadership, as well as changes in the law and governance. Due to the ever-changing opinions and contexts that individuals go through, the right to vote allows for a reflection of this novelty. Such a system is empowering due to it allowing individuals to express themselves as ever changing processes themselves as opposed to static objects and it is metaphysically accurate according to our natures and the nature of reality. Also, it is telling that such political ideals came about during the Enlightenment, a period of time where understanding of the world without appeal to philosophical and religious tradition was given major emphasis. As we learned more about the world, we learned about the ideal political system.

====Social Darwinism====

Social Darwinism held that human life in society was a fight for survival guided by the principle of "survival of the fittest", proposed by British philosopher and scientist Herbert Spencer. In his later publications, Spencer's devotion to the right of universal suffrage waned. While he views universal suffrage in Social Statics (1851) as a reliable way of keeping government from overstepping its bounds in safeguarding moral rights, he concludes in Principles of Ethics that universal suffrage fails to do so successfully, and therefore abandons his support for it. He subsequently came to the conclusion that universal suffrage posed more of a danger to moral rights than it did to defend them (Spencer on Voting, 1879). Over-legislation was promoted by universal suffrage, especially when it was extended to women, as it allowed the government to take on tasks that were not its responsibility.

Spencer understood that liberalism's fundamental objective has never been to grant people the right to vote, but rather to limit government authority. In Social Statics (1981), he states that “The function of Liberalism in the past was that of putting a limit to the powers of kings. The function of true Liberalism in the future will be that of putting a limit to the powers of Parliaments” (Spencer, 1981, p. 166). The primary motivation for expanding suffrage is to limit or prevent the government's role from expanding. When this aim is challenged, the law of equal freedom may be jeopardized less by suffrage restrictions than by their removal, according to Social Statics (Miller, 1982, p. 492).

Spencer's work emphasizes the importance of changes in the pattern of interrelationships between the individual and the state in social evolution. The gradual decline of government's function in people's lives, according to Spencer, is the key to optimal social evolution in the future (Miller, 1982, p. 493). Before the publication of Social Statics in 1851, Spencer thought that universal suffrage would eliminate class legislation and protect the interests of the entire community. He even criticized the association of ignorance to the working class saying that “it is a great error to suppose that ignorance is peculiar to the unenfranchised.” (Spencer, 1851, p.232, para. 4). In 1860, Spencer emphasized once more that extending suffrage is only justifiable when it is utilized to preserve or extend individual liberty. However, he praised the suffrage expansion brought about by the Reform Bill of 1867, a good example of the triumph of feeling over intellect.

Spencer's views on women's suffrage are similar to his views on allowing workers to vote. Spencer calls for unlimited political equality for women in Social Statics (1851). He portrays women as being cognitively and physically inferior to men in this book, despite the fact that history shows that some women are equal to men in both regards. They have thrived as rulers, scientists, authors, and artists despite institutional constraints (Miller, 1982, p. 494). If many women are inferior, then many men are as well. In either case, the inferior should not be denied the chance to use the faculties they have. However, Spencer had concluded by 1892 that women could not be trusted with unfettered franchise. His rationale was that women are less capable of abstract thinking than males and are more influenced by emotional appeals. Spencer does not give explicit reasoning as to why this is the case. He simply notes in Social Statics (1851) that “[a woman’s] faculties are less powerful [..] because woman is mentally inferior to man she has less extensive rights, amount to ? Just this,--that because woman has weaker faculties than man, she ought not to have like liberty with him to exercise the faculties she has!” (Spencer, 1851, p.158). In addition, “A further difference between men and women is due to the fact that men are liable to military service for the defense of the country in time of war. Since this burden does not fall upon women, they are not entitled to the franchise, until a state of permanent peace has been attained” (Elliot, 2019, p. 205).

References:

Elliot, H., Williams, B. (2019). Makers of the Nineteenth Century Herbert Spencer. United States: Creative Media Partners, LLC.

Miller, W. (1982). HERBERT SPENCER'S DRIFT TO CONSERVATISM. History of Political Thought, 3(3), 483-497. Retrieved July 25, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/26212267

Spencer on voting as a poor instrument for protecting our rights to life, liberty, and property (1879). Online Library of Liberty. (n.d.). https://oll.libertyfund.org/quote/spencer-on-voting-as-a-poor-instrument-for-protecting-our-rights-to-life-liberty-and-property-1879.

Spencer, H. (1851). Social Statics . Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/spencer-social-statics-1851

Spencer, H. (1981). The Man versus the State, with Six Essays on Government, Society and Freedom (LF ed.). Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/mack-the-man-versus-the-state-with-six-essays-on-government-society-and-freedom-lf-ed#Spencer_0020_330

====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====

The understanding of how and why human beings act was and still is often described as a dualistic interaction between mind and body. Usually this is described in terms of feelings. We feel a certain way, and that feeling prompts us to act. We eat because we feel like eating. We attack others because we feel angry. This causal explanation for behavior is taken for granted, but in the 19th century, a group of psychologists believed that behavior could be studied, not as an effect of the non-observable, ethereal mind, but rather as the outcome of changes from the environment. This was behaviorism, and William Baum states: “the central idea in behaviorism can be stated simply: ''A science of behavior is possible''” (Baum, 2017, pg. 3).

One of the most influential behaviorists, BF Skinner, was a radical behaviorist where instead of merely positing that only behavior could be objectively observed, went one step further in saying that all interior phenomena was a behavior like any other, and was subject to and created by the same environmental pressures as external behavior.

According to Skinner, all of our behavior and dispositions are determined by our environment. What we call freedom is merely the ability to free ourselves from “harmful contacts” (Skinner, 1971, pg. 32). Slavery is when we are unable to escape of avoid harm, and what Skinner calls the “literature of freedom”—philosophical and political traditions based around rights, emancipation, and the immorality of oppression—are merely ways to “..induce people to escape from or attack those who act to control them aversively” (pg. 35). The idea of freedom as an inherent right towards autonomy in one’s actions and beliefs is wholeheartedly rejected by Skinner, and instead is reduced to being able to do what one desires when the desire arises; a desire whose arising the individual has nothing to do with.

Dignity is an attribute that we use to describe someone’s character—character of course meaning a quality essential to someone’s internality, something that a radical behaviorist is very skeptical of. We do not respect someone’s action if it is done automatically, instead we value the individual who does a particular action ''despite'' whatever the environment compels them to do: “We give credit generosity when there are no obvious reasons for behaving differently…” (pg. 72). Our caring towards dignified action and character then reveals a blind spot that we have towards reality—if every behavior we do is determined and selected by the environment, no one deserves any credit towards their action, and no one is dignified for acting in a certain way.

Democracy and the right to vote for behaviorists like Skinner are then merely an expression of the fundamental biological mechanism of avoiding or escaping harmful contacts. If it weren’t for the aversive state of affairs that were present in the past, the right to vote would have never come about. Voting rights came about as a way to justify the public’s resistance to the restrictors, and this is in great contrast with the “literature of freedom’s” claim that the right to vote is a way to uphold god given rights. Voting, at base, was a way to control the behavior of those in power.

====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
Postmodernism evolved during the late 20th century in opposition to modernism and as a response to the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment encouraged a shift from intellectual dependence on the church and theology to a belief in a universal moral and intellectual historical experience legitimated by reason (Woods 1999, 227). Modernism supports the belief in this type of organization of knowledge and the human experience, suggesting that such reasoning would be unified by scientific thinking, teleology, and rationality. Modernism uses reason and scientific procedure to establish universal truths from which knowledge can be claimed and order established. The Enlightenment led to the spread of democratic values in the west, and likewise, influenced the creation of modern democratic institutions, a form of reason in practice (Gaete 1991, 149). An important change that stemmed from modernism and the Enlightenment was the acceptance of human rights as ethical truths. The statement, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations (United Nations 1948) was offered as a universal truth that would provide social order based on the objective reasoning suggested by modernism (Gaete 1991, 149). For example, from this claim, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could uphold that “The will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be universal and equal in suffrage…” (United Nations 1948). From the acceptance of the initial statement of objective rights as a universal truth, equal political participation and voting rights could be theoretically promised.

The postmodern response to modernism reflects a difference in attitude, but does not imply that postmodernism will supersede modernism. In this way, postmodern thinking offers a critique of reason (Woods 1999, 9). According to Sabina Lovibond, “Postmodernism… rejects the doctrine of the unity of reason. It refuses to conceive of humanity as a unitary subject striving towards the goal of perfect coherence (in its common stock of beliefs) or of perfect cohesion and stability (in its political practice)” (Lovibond 1990). Modernism relies on metanarratives, an overarching pattern and interpretation of society, while postmodernism rejects this idea of an “all-encompassing rationality” (Woods 1990, 10).

There are two relevant points to consider regarding postmodernism in relation to voting rights. First off, postmodernists are largely opposed to the hierarchical structure of government and tend to question their trust in institutionalized government (Green & Roberts 2012, 85). Philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard who helped to formulate postmodernism suggests that postmodernists are suspicious of political narratives. Examples of such narratives include the idea of progress that is associated with the Enlightenment and ‘social liberation’ associated with Marxism. Lyotard refers to these types of narratives as “violent” and “tyrannical” for attempting to impose a universal pattern on human experience and knowledge. Instead, Lyotard believes knowledge can only be understood as partial and nonexclusive. According to Lyotard, “Scientists, technicians, and instruments are purchased not to find truth, but to augment power” (Lyotard 1997, 46). Postmodernists are opposed to this type of hierarchical structure, suggesting that older proponents of modernism were “being blind to the destructive and oppressive nature of all totalising ideologies” (Arslan 1999, 205). In terms of voting rights, this ‘totalising ideology’ may be the claim that voting rights provide the best method of citizen political participation. Postmodernists would instead suggest that the human experience is constantly changing and developing, so this ‘totalising ideology’ may not be all inclusive. While they may be in favor of voting rights in practice, they would reject the idea of voting rights and human rights as universal truths, suggesting that successful political commitments are not necessarily the result of institutional calls to universal truths, but rather of continued innovation (Woods 1999, 13).

The second point to consider with regard to voting rights is that postmodernists believe that the marginalized should be accounted for. Postmodernists suggest that meaning is constantly evolving and is contingent on situational factors and dependent on the interpreter. For the individual, postmodernism means liberation from fixed identities. Postmodernists do not believe that metanarratives can describe each individual, but rather believe that identity can be diverse despite sharing a common situation (Woods 1990, 44). They argue, “There must be an attempt to recoup the power of the individual to tell his or her narrative; that is, anti-foundationalism in this guise becomes the access to the control of one’s own politics” (Woods 1999, 21). One way to afford power to the individual may be by means of voting rights for all in order to provide representation for those who are otherwise marginalized and to account for the diverse individual human experience. Postmodernists do not think that minorities and all individuals are correctly represented by political metanarratives, and therefore, they would support representation for all by means of voting as a way to avoid the miscategorization of individuals into metanarratives. In fact, the feminist movement is an example of this type of resistance to popular culture, which has contributed to the spread of postmodernism (Woods 1999, 170).

===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===

Natural Law:

Perceptions of voting as a right under natural law theory have evolved over time. In early natural law theory, the right to vote was not explicitly considered a necessary component of the fundamental goods on which rights and law are founded. Notably, suffrage was not an intrinsic element of Aquinas’s or philosopher John Finnis’s seven fundamental goods–“life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, friendship, practical reasonableness, and religion” (Britannica). While Aquinas posited that “the supreme power belongs to the multitude as a whole, or to that one who represents the multitude,” he never emphasized the importance of expressing the power of the multitude through voting, specifically (Shepard 1913, 114). Additionally in the Second Treatise of Government, John Locke finds that, while natural law and reason compel humans beings to create civil governments to protect their property and grant powers to sovereign individuals and institutions as a “common superior on earth to appeal to for relief,” widely-recognized suffrage is not a natural prerequisite for this tendency (Locke 1689, 15).

Over time, however, suffrage has received more consideration as intrinsic to natural law. Walter James Shepard describes this shift as part of the “theory of the early constitutional regime,” which moved beyond feudal interpretations of political representation and brought about the notion “that voting is an abstract right, founded in natural law, a consequence of the social compact, and an incident of popular sovereignty” (Shepard 1913, 108). The American Civil Rights Movement also brought about more explicit connections between the right to vote and natural law theory. Martin Luther King Jr., widely considered to have based his political philosophy on the tenets of natural law, often rhetorically framed the right to vote as part of the “eternal moral issue” of the Civil Rights Movement, stating that “the denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic tradition” (King 1957). King’s commentary on de facto denial of African Americans’ right to vote echoes later writings by King that more explicitly outline the natural law tradition: “A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law” (King 1963).

Legal Positivism:

Legal positivist interpretations of suffrage prioritize the systems that define, carry out, and protect suffrage and the voting process. Unlike natural law, the right to vote is not intimately connected or not connected to the pursuit of human goodness. Instead, it is a product of positive norms in a given society, and can be codified as a right as long as society and its legislators view it as something worth protecting. According to legal positivist H.L.A. Hart, the right to vote constitutes a “secondary rule”–a rule that regulates how laws in the conventional sense are “ascertained, introduced, eliminated” and enforced (Hart 1961, 92). Whereas “primary rules” control individual action such as speed limits, environmental regulations, or criminal law, the right to vote as a secondary rule regulates the process by which primary rules are created by incorporating some level of public input on who makes the law. Positivist Jeremy Waldron emphasizes the necessity of governmental and legal systems for suffrage, stating that “one has the right to vote only if one’s vote is counted and given effect in a system of collective decision that determines policy, leadership and authority” (Waldron 1999, 233). While positivists emphasize the importance of systems in the creation and validation of voting rights, voting as a right can also be conferred “as criteria of legal validity” in “conformity with moral principles or substantive values” (Hart 1961, 250). Waldron’s discussion of the inherent connection between individuals and the legal systems that dictate large parts of their lives serves as a positivist articulation of voting as a right: “since it is my duties (among others’) whose performance the state is orchestrating, I have a right to a say in the decision-mechanisms which control their orchestration” (Waldron 1998, 310).

Critical Legal Theory:

Some critical legal theorists maintain critiques against rights-based legal philosophies and methodologies altogether, including voting rights. These critiques include notions that rights-based legal thought “produces a kind of isolated individualism that hinders social solidarity and genuine human connection,” that “the use of rights discourse stunts human imagination and mystifies people about how law really works,” and that “legal rights are in fact indeterminate and incoherent” (Harvard). Drawing on historical precedent, critical legal theorists such as Robert Gordon argue that overreliance on rights-based legal strategy can make modest social gains for individuals, but simultaneously impose a limit on the extent to which individuals can make use of such rights and push back against entrenched power structures. Similarly, Cass Sunstein argues that the right to vote is not meaningfully enforced in the United States due to its strict limitation to the public sector:

“The legal system purports to promote democracy through protecting the right to vote
and the traditional freedom of expression; but those rights do not allow for democracy in the private sector, where critical decisions are also made. By safeguarding rights in the public arena and ignoring the private sphere, the legal system has eroded rather than promoted democracy” (Sunstein 1983, 128).

Under this framework, limiting suffrage to a matter of individual rights imposes unnecessary restrictions on when and where it can be enforced.

Not all critical legal theorists agree with the rejection of rights-based frameworks for suffrage. Critical race theorists such as Kimberle Crenshaw believe that “rights can be defended and reconstructed; the critique of rights neglects the historical potential of rights in the real lives of people of color and women” (Harvard). Framing voting as a right can also empower marginalized groups and mobilize individuals to push back against the existing legal status quo:

“The vast majority are able to sustain a ‘dual consciousness’ – recognizing and capitalizing on the revolutionary potential of legal rights while remaining skeptical of the overall social and political order in which rights are currently embedded” (Harvard). While there is broad consensus in critical legal theory that existing legal systems favor historically dominant hierarchies and do not equally protect all citizens’ ability to vote, there is ongoing debate as to whether framing the issue as a matter of voting “rights” is the best course of action.

==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
For several decades, the right to vote has been widely recognized as fundamental to fair, participatory government by a wide variety of international organizations and individual nations. The most prominent example comes from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, which recognized that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity...to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors” (UN General Assembly 1966). Regional organizations such as the OAS, OSCE, EU, and African Union also hold provisions emphasizing the importance of maintaining equal access to voting among their member nations (University of Minnesota, 2003). In addition to international decrees and declarations identifying the importance of suffrage, international election monitoring and observation bodies exist around the world to protect citizens’ ability to vote and analyze countries’ electoral processes. There is strong global consensus that voting rights ought to be protected and are an essential element of successful representative democracies.

In an American context, the United States Constitution explicitly protects citizens’ right to vote in Section II of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment, Nineteenth Amendment, and Twenty-Fourth Amendment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its subsequent amendments also describe the right to vote as an “inherent constitutional right” (H.R. 4249, 91st Congress 1970). Additionally, prominent Supreme Court cases concerning voting rights such as, Reynolds v. Sims (1964), Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections (1966), and Kramer v. Union Free School District (1969) convey the fundamental nature of suffrage, pushing back against previous interpretations by the Court in Minor v. Happersett (1875) that “the Constitution...does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one” (Supreme Court of the US 1875) and even older perceptions of voting as a privilege that had to be earned through societal metrics such as property ownership (Behrens 2004, 232). In Reynolds, the Court established that:

"Undoubtedly, the right of suffrage is a fundamental matter in a free and democratic society.
Especially since the right to exercise the franchise in a free and unimpaired manner is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized."

Harper concerned the constitutionality of poll taxes, and the Court reasoned that “wealth or fee paying has, in our view, no relation to voting qualifications; the right to vote is too precious, too fundamental to be so burdened or conditioned” (Supreme Court of the US 1966). Kramer similarly outlined that “any unjustified discrimination in determining who may participate in political affairs or in the selection of public officials undermines the legitimacy of representative government” (Supreme Court of the US 1969).
Both majority opinions in Reynolds and Harper also relied upon previous rationale established in Yick Wo v. Hopkins (1886) that “though not regarded strictly as a natural right, but as a privilege merely conceded by society according to its will, under certain conditions, nevertheless [the right to vote] is regarded as a fundamental political right, because preservative of all rights” (Supreme Court of the US 1886).

In spite of these general beliefs legal precedent, certain members of society are still excluded from this fundamental right for reasons that are widely debated. Citizenship, for example, is often a requirement for suffrage. However, some countries, including certain local governments in the United States, allow noncitizens to vote in local elections after they have met certain residency requirements (Earnest). Felons are also often restricted from voting. In most countries with restrictions on felon voting, these penalties only take place when individuals are serving their prison sentence. In the United States, however, felon voting policy, like nearly all electoral policy, is a state decision, and half of all states prohibit felons from voting until the completion of parole and probation, including nine states that prohibit it even after parole and probation (ProCon). Restrictive felon voting policies are indicative to some experts that the United States has “failed to give the right to vote its true status as a fundamental right” (Behrens 275).

In addition to the explicit prohibition of certain individuals from voting, unequal access to voting precincts and absentee drop-off locations as well as reduced voting hours and early voting periods also undermine the extent to which voting rights are protected around the world. Beyond restrictions of where citizens can vote, more explicit voter intimidation and election-related violence are employed even in countries that have signed on to international agreements outlining the importance of voting rights. Partisan gerrymandering, which the Supreme Court has defined as federally “nonjusticiable” in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), also dilutes the impact of certain citizens’ votes, undermining their ability to meaningfully exercise suffrage (Supreme Court of the US 2019).

Additionally, policies implemented to address voter fraud such as voter identification can also limit overall voting access. Critics of voter identification argue that requiring an often-times narrow list of permissible forms of identification puts an undue burden on citizens who are less likely to possess valid identification and constitute a more discrete form of a “poll tax” (Nackenoff). Voter ID cases are often analyzed on a case-by-case basis, as outlined in Crawford v. Marion County (2008), with states’ individual histories of voting discrimination, prevalence of voter fraud–or in many cases “perceptions” of fraud or a lack of “voter confidence”–and evidence indicating deliberate discriminatory intent all playing a role in determining whether or not voter identification satisfies a legitimate government interest (Tokaji).

===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

''Electoral Rights and Europe''

Being a part of the European Union, a citizen of a European country has electoral power in European, national, regional, and municipal levels, though that can bring confusion as to whether or not a European citizen can participate in all of the elections of a particular EU country. EU citizens can vote for European Parliament and municipal elections in any EU country that they live in, though they cannot vote in elections for national parliament nor in regional elections ('Flash Eurobarometer 485 - European Union Citizenship and Democracy', 2020, p. 3).

According to the Flash Eurobarometer 485 of July 2020, 71% European citizens were aware that a citizen of the EU that lives in their country has the right to vote for European Parliament (p. 5). 53% correctly stated that it is false that EU citizens living in their country can vote for national elections. A similar fifty percent split was found with European citizen’s belief of whether other EU citizens not from their country could vote for municipal and regional elections (p. 5).

This data implies that most Europeans recognize their own and others’ right to vote, and that their voting is done in conjunction with European voters from different countries and cultures. This creates an experience of voting that is decidedly international, both in the power that a European has with their vote and also the effects they feel from the votes of others. Voting power is much more expansive than just their own locality, and is instead affecting a much larger trans-national federation.

Later in the report, it shows that 63% of Europeans believe that a citizen of the US is justified in having the right to vote in the national elections of the country that the foreign citizen resides in (p. 6). The countries with the highest number of citizens who thought it justified was Ireland with 77% and Portugal with 74%. The lowest was Denmark with 40% and Sweden with 35%.

With the countries with more citizens that believe it is justified like Portugal and Ireland, the data implies that the right to vote should be expansive and farther reaching, with less importance placed on nationality and more on where someone lives. Moreover, the citizen’s desire for a wider net of participation implies an experience of voting that is too restricted, and far away from being universal.

With countries on the lower end with citizens that believe it to not be justified like Denmark and Sweden, the data implies that their conception of the right to vote is one that should be kept close with the ethnic and cultural natives of the country. The electoral net is too wide, and there would be a greater benefit if voting access were to be restrained and more controlled. This is further supported by the report later on which states that 49% of Danes and 56% of Swedes (the highest percentage) believe that European citizens should only vote in their country of origin (p. 21).

''Encouraging Others to Vote''

The World Values Survey in their 2020 report asked more than 70,000 citizens from 50 countries about what political activism they would consider taking, particularly whether they would encourage others they know to vote in an election.
The results:
* 22% said they have encouraged others to vote
* 26% said they might encourage others to vote
* 48% said they would never encourage others to vote ('World Values Survey Wave 7', 2017, p. 333).
The countries with the highest percentage of those that have encouraged others were Germany with 64%, the United States with 63%, and New Zealand with 62%. The countries with the highest percentage of those that would never encourage others were Myanmar with 79%, Ethiopia and Kyrgyzstan with 76%, and Jordan with 69% (p. 333).

For the countries like Germany and New Zealand with a high percentage of vote encouragers, the act of voting is likely experienced as an important, effective, and social phenomenon where political accomplishments can be reached if there is enough support. Voting is a statement made about the beliefs a citizen has over the contemporary political process, and pride is taken in its expression and public participation. The right to vote is something citizens should both have and take advantage of.

For the countries like Myanmar and Ethiopia with a high percentage of “never encourage” voters, their experience of voting is likely one where voting is unimportant and ineffective, and as a result is either a private or non-existent affair. Likely, the experience of voting is one of pessimism and disillusionment. The political goals of the public are not taken into account and the act of voting is political theater. On the other hand, it is possible also that voting is actively discouraged in these countries in order to uphold the current status quo, and in that case the right to vote is seen as a threat to established power.

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===

Source/Voting Rights and Suffrage

2021-08-13T20:25:08Z

Jere: /* Behaviorism */

==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
Multiple 5th-Century BC sources outline the importance of citizen voting to early Athenian democracy. Thucydides’s The History of the Peloponnesian War includes several allusions to the importance of citizen participation in democracy. The first instance comes in Chapter VI, the funeral oration of Pericles:

"Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to
others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy…instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all." (Thucydides, VI)

The description of participatory democracy as “indispensable” evokes an importance that moves beyond simply advocating for the benefits of democracy. Rather, it implies an intrinsic importance that more closely mirrors that of a political right. The early political foundations of democracy appear again in Chapter XIX during a speech from Athenagoras:

"It will be said, perhaps, that democracy is neither wise nor equitable, but that the holders of property are also the best fitted to rule. I say, on the contrary, first, that the word demos, or people, includes the whole state, oligarchy only a part; next, that if the best guardians of property are the rich, and the best counsellors the wise, none can hear and decide so well as the many; and that all these talents, severally and collectively, have their just place in a democracy." (Thucydides, XIX)

Aristotle also outlines the inner workings of early Athenian democracy after the reforms of Solon and includes several allusions to the intrinsic importance of suffrage in The Constitution of the Athenians, most likely written between 328 and 322 BC. In his discussion of the importance of individuals’ right to appeal grievances in Athenian court, Aristotle states that “when the democracy is master of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution,” and that “the masses have owed their strength” to Athens’s democratic institutions (Avalon Project). While there is no explicit mention of suffrage as a “right” per se, Aristotle’s emphasis on “voting-power” as a fundamental element of Athenian civil society serves as one of the older examples of voting as a “right.” However, it is important to note that voting in Ancient Athens, while highly valued and perceived as a right for some, was not universal, and only free adult men, whose parents were also Athenian, were granted the right to vote. Athenian democracy was also significantly more participatory and direct than contemporary democratic institutions, as all adult Athenian men were compelled to serve in local governmental assemblies where they would then vote on decrees and other forms of legislation (Blackwell).

While there is not much explicitly-written, primary evidence for the existence of voting rights before the Athenians, previous forms of government that predate democracy also played important roles in the conception of suffrage as a right, particularly in Mesopotamia. For example, “when Mesopotamian elders were unable to agree” on governmental decisions, “they opened their assembly to junior aristocrats and commoners” (Schemeil 104). Additionally, Assyrian merchant colonies’ judicial systems were “not vested in any one individual but resided in a general assembly of all colonists” and were called at the discretion of senior colonists (Jacobsen 161). Early conceptions of proto-democratic political institutions from all parts of the world often arose out of the need to maintain peace and political stability after prolonged conflict between various sects and social groups.

===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====
The earliest Afghan constitution was written during the reign of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in the 1890s followed by the 1923 version. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan turned Afghanistan into a modern democracy, and the right to vote was established in Article 46. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan granted women equal rights including universal suffrage and the right to run for office (University of Nebraska, "Constitution of Afghanistan").

====Albania====
Article 45 of the Republic of Albania’s 1998 Constitution guarantees the right to vote to the People of Albania so they can exercise their power through their elected representatives in the Parliament (Berhani, I. "Elections and Implementation of the Law of Elections in Albania").

====Algeria====
Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 and a new Constitution was passed the following year. In the 1989 Constitution under Article 62, all people meeting the legal requirements have the right to vote and to be elected (Constitute Project, "Algeria 1989").

====Andorra====
Article 24 of the 1993 Constitution states that all citizens of age and in full use of their rights are guaranteed suffrage (Constitute Project, "Andorra 1993").

====Angola====
The constitution of 1975 established a one-party state headed by a president who was also chairman of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), which declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party in 1977. Under Article 54 of the Angolan Constitution every citizen of age has the right to vote (Britannica, "Angola").

====Antigua and Barbuda====
Universal suffrage was introduced in Antigua and Barbuda in 1951 (National Encyclopedia, "Antigua and Barbuda- Politics, government, and taxation").

====Argentina====
In 1983, Argentina returned to democracy after almost eight years of authoritarian rule. In April 1994 elections were held to form a Constituent Assembly because of the provisions made to the 1853 Constitution. Under the new Constitution the president is directly elected for a four-year term by universal adult suffrage (ACE Project, “Electoral Systems- Argentina").

====Armenia====
Article 48 of the 1995 Constitution grants the people the right to vote and the right to participate in a referendum (Constitute Project, "Armenia’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2015").

====Australia====
In the 1850s under the Constitutions of Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia, Aboriginal men had the same right to vote as other male British subjects aged over 21. The first federal electoral Act, the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, granted men and women of all states the right to vote (National Museum Australia, “Australians’ right to vote”).

====Austria====
In Austria, universal suffrage for men was introduced by the Voting Rights Act of 1907 and the country was one of the first in Europe to introduce women’s suffrage in 1918 (Metropole, “Your Right to Vote in Austria”).

====Azerbaijan====
Section 3 of the Constitution of Azerbaijan established the major rights and freedoms of citizens of Azerbaijan, including human rights, property rights, equality rights, the right to vote and freedom of speech. According to the Law passed in the parliament, in 1919, Azerbaijan all citizens of the Republic who had reached the age of 20 were granted voting rights (Azerbaijan, “Interesting Facts”).

====The Bahamas====
The Bahamas Parliamentary Elections Act of 1992 specifies the registration of voters, how the electoral broadcasting council shall conduct its work, how elections are performed and how nominations are seeked (Political Database of the Americas, “Bahamas: Parliamentary Elections Act, 1992”).

====Bahrain====
Under Chapter I, Article 1 of the 2002 Constitution all citizens are able to participate in public affairs and political rights such as voting (Constitute Project, "Bahrain's Constitution of 2002").

====Bangladesh====
The Constitution of 1972, under section VII, states the Qualifications for registration as voter and grants the right to people who are eligible to vote (Laws of Bangladesh, “The Constitution of the People‌‌‍’s Republic of Bangladesh”).

====Barbados====
Barbados Independence Order of 1966 and the Constitution of Barbados established the right to vote for all citizens (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Barbados”).

====Belarus====
Article 38 of the 1994 Constitution of the Republic of Belarus states that citizens have the right to vote freely and officials must be elected through a secret ballot (Constitute Project, Belarus's Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2004).

====Belgium====
Beglain citizens are automatically registered on the electoral rolls when reaching the age of 18 and are subject to compulsory voting under Article 62 of the Belgian Constitution (Legislationline, “The Belgian Constitution”).

====Belize====
The 31 members of the House of Representatives are directly elected to five-year terms and the Senate has 12 seats. The ruling party, the opposition, and several civil associations select the senators, who are then appointed by the governor general. (Freedom House, “Belize”).

====Benin====
The president is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms and Delegates to the 83-member, unicameral National Assembly serve four-year terms and are elected by proportional representation. The April 2019 legislative elections were not free or fair, as the implementation of new electoral rules effectively prevented all opposition parties from participating (Freedom House, “Benin”).

====Bhutan====
The Constitution provides for a bicameral Parliament, with a 25-seat upper house, the National Council, and a 47-seat lower house, the National Assembly. Members of both houses serve five-year terms. The king appoints five members of the nonpartisan National Council, and the remaining 20 are popularly elected as independents, while the National Assembly is entirely elected (Freedom House, “Bhutan”).

====Bolivia====
Section 2 Article 26 of the Constitution grants the right for universal suffrage for all people (Constitute Project, “Bolivia’'s Constitution of 2009”).

====Bosnia and Herzegovina====
In accordance with Article II 1, Article IV 1.2 and 4.a and the Article V 1.a of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Article V of the Annex 3 of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Election Law Of Bosnia And Herzegovina was developed in 2001 to promote free and fair elections (Legislationline, “Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina”).

====Botswana====
Botswana has a unicameral, 65-seat National Assembly. Voters directly elect 57 members to five-year terms, while 6 members are nominated by the president and approved by the National Assembly (Freedom House, “Botswana”).

====Brazil====
Chapter IV, Political Rights, Article 14 of the Brazilian Constitution grants universal suffrage with compulsory voting to those over the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Brazil's Constitution of 1988 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Brunei====
The unicameral Legislative Council has no political standing independent of the sultan, who appoints most members. Brunei has not held direct legislative elections since 1962 (Freedom House, "Brunei").

====Bulgaria====
Under the 1991 Constitution Article 42, every citizen above the age of 18 is free to participate in elections of state and local authorities and in referendums (Constitute Project, "Bulgaria's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015").

====Burkina Faso====
Under Article 33 of Title II in the Constitution of Burkina Faso, suffrage is direct or indirect and is universal, equal and secret (Constitute Project, “Burkina Faso's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Burundi====
Under Article 8 of Title I, of The State and of The Sovereignty of The People, all Brudians are granted universal suffrage if they are 18 years of age (Constitute Project, “Burundi's Constitution of 2005”).

====Cambodia====
Khmer citizens 18 years or older are granted the right to vote through universal suffrage under Article 34 of the Constitution (Constitute Project, “Cambodia's Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Cameroon====
Under Part I, The State and Sovereignty, Article 2 of the Cameroon Constitution, voting is equal, secret and by universal suffrage. It is granted to every citizen 20 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Cameroon's Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Canada====
In 1876, only men who were 21 years of age or older, and who owned property were able to vote in federal elections. In 1918 Canadian women were given the right to vote in federal elections if they met the same eligibility criteria as men. The 1982 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms affirms the right of every Canadian citizen to vote and to stand as a candidate (Elections Canada, “A Brief History of Federal Voting Rights in Canada”).

====Cape Verde====
Under Chapter II, Rights, Liberties and Guarantees in Political Participation, Article 54 of the Cape Verde Constitution all citizens at least 18 years of age have the right to vote and participate in political life directly and through freely elected representatives (Constitute Project, “Cape Verde's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Central African Republic====
The Constitution of the Central African Republic states under Title II, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 19 that universal suffrage may be direct or indirect as every citizen over 18 has a duty to vote (Constitute Project, “Central African Republic's Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Chad====
Universal suffrage is granted directly or indirectly and is equal and secret for those 18 years of age or older under Title I, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6 of the Constitution of Chad (Constitute Project, “Chad's Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Chile====
The Constitution of Chile, Chapter II, Nationality and Citizenship, Article 13 grants Chileans who have reached 18 years of age voting rights. (Constitute Project, “Chile's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2015”).

====China====
Under Chapter II, The Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens, Article 34 all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote and stand for election without discrimination. (Constitute Project, “China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Colombia====
Under Title III, Chapter II, all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote in all elections. In addition, an Act may grant Alien’s who reside in Colombia the right to vote in municipal and district level elections. (Constitute Project, “Colombia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2015”).

====Comoros====
According to Title I, Article 4, suffrage can be indirect or direct and is universal, equal and secret. All Comorians of either sex who are in possession of their civi and political rights may vote as provided for by the statute. (Constitute Project, "Comoros's Constitution of 2001 with Amendments through 2009").

====Democratic Republic of the Congo====
Section II Sovereignty, Article 5 establishes the conditions of organization of the elections and of the referendum. Suffrage is universal, equal, secret and can be direct or indirect. Without prejudice to the provisions of article 70, 102 and 106 all Congolese of both sexes, of 18 years of age, and enjoying their civil and political rights are electors and eligible. (Constitute Project, “Congo (Democratic Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2005 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Republic of the Congo====
Under Title I, Of The State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6, suffrage is direct or indirect and is free, equal and secret. Established by the law all Congolese 18 years of age, enjoying their civil and political rights are electors. (“Congo (Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2015”).

====Costa Rica====
According to Title VIII, Chapter II, all birthright citizens 18 years or older and naturalized citizens, 12 months or greater after naturalization, have the right to suffrage facilities. (Constitute Project, “Costa Rica’s Constitution of 1949 with revisions through 2020).

====Croatia====
Under Title II, Article 45, all birthright citizens 18 years or older, have access to universal, and equal suffrage through secret and direct ballots to determine the Croatian Parliament, President of the Republic of Croatia, and the European Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Croatia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2013).

====Cuba====
Article 205 of Cuba’s Constitution states that voting is the right of all Cuban citizens over the age of 16 unless they have been judicially disqualified to vote. Article 104 states that the National Assembly of the People’s Power is made up of representatives elected via direct, free, and secret elections. Additionally, Article 126 states that the President is elected by similar principles. (Constitute Project, “Cuba’s Constitution of 2019).

====Cyprus====
Under Article 63, Part II, all birthright citizens at the age of 18 years or older are eligible to be electors in either the Greek or Turkish electoral list based on their own nationality. Within each list the elector may vote for their respective representative. (Constitute Project, “Cyprus’ Constitution of 1960 with revisions through 2013).

====Czech Republic====
According to Chapter I, Article 56, all citizens at the age of 18 years or older have a right to direct and universal voting. Under Chapter 2, this voting is done by secret ballot and is based on proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Czech Republic’s Constitution of 1993 with revisions through 2013).

====Denmark====
Under Part 4, all citizens who are permanent residents of Denmark and are at the age of suffrage, which is set by referendum, can vote in Folketing elections. (Constitute Project, “Denmark’s Constitution of 1953).

====Djibouti====
Under Title I, Article V, all Djiboutian nationals of majority have a right to Suffrage regardless of gender. (Constitute Project, “Djibouti’s Constitution of 1992 with revisions through 2010).

====Dominica====
Under Chapter III, Part 1, any resident who is a birthright citizen or naturalized citizen of Dominica and is over the age of 18 has a right to suffrage via a secret and unimposed ballot unless this right has been taken away by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Dominica’s Constitution of 1978 with revisions through 2014).

====Dominican Republic====
Article 208 in the Dominican Republic’s constitution grants the right of universal, direct, free, and secret suffrage to all citizens over the age of 18, with the exceptions of Members of the Armed Forces and individuals whose rights have been revoked by courts. (Constitute Project, “Dominican Republic’s Constitution of 2015).

====East Timor====
Article 47 of the Constitution grants those over the age of 17 the right to vote. Voting constitutes a civic duty and is personal (Constitute Project, “Timor-Leste's Constitution of 2002”).

====Ecuador====
Under Article 62 of the Constitution of Ecuador voting is mandatory for those over the age of 18. Voting is optional for those between the ages of 16-18 and elderly persons 65 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Ecuador's Constitution of 2008”).

====Egypt====
Part II, Rights and Freedoms, Article 55 of the Egyptian Constitution grants universal suffrage and compulsory voting for every Egyptian citizen over 18. If one fails to vote, they can receive a fine or even imprisonment, but a significant percentage of eligible voters do not vote (Constitute Project, “Egypt's Constitution of 2012”).

====El Salvador====
The Constitution of El Salvador grants its citizens political rights under Chapter III, Citizens, Their Political Rights and Duties in The Electoral Body. Article 71 allows those over the age of 18 to vote and Article 72 secures the exercise of suffrage (Constitute Project, “El Salvador's Constitution of 1983 with Amendments through 2014”)

====Equatorial Guinea====
Under the First Title, Fundamental Principles of the State, Article 2 of the Constitution of Equatorial Guinea grants the people with sovereignty to be exercised by way of universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Equatorial Guinea's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Eritrea====
Eritrea is a militarized authoritarian state and there has not been a national election since the independence from Ethiopia in 1993 (Freedom House, “Eritrea”).

====Estonia====
Chapter III, The People, Article 56 allows for the supreme power of state to be exercised by the people through citizens with the right to vote. Article 57 grants the right to vote to those of the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Estonia's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Eswatini====
Under Chapter VII, The Legislature, Section 88, Qualifications as a Voter, a person is qualified to vote if they are of the age of 18 and a citizen or ordinarily resident in Swaziland (Constitute Project, “Eswatini Constitution of 2005”).

====Ethiopia====
Article 38 of the Ethopian Constitution grants every Ethiopian national that is 18 years of age, without any discrimination, to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely chosen representatives through universal and equal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Ethiopia's Constitution of 1994”).

====Fiji====
According to Chapter 3, Parliament, Part B, Composition, Section 55, Voter Qualifications and Registration, of the Constitution of Fiji every citizen who is 18 years of age has the right to be registered as a voter, in the manner and form prescribed by a written law governing elections or registration of voters. (Constitute Project, “Fiji's Constitution of 2013”)

====Finland====
Section 14 of the Finish Constitution grants universal suffrage to every Finnish citizen who has reached 18 years of age and has the right to vote in national elections and referendums (Constitute Project, “Finland's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====France====
Under Article 3 of the French Constitution suffrage may be direct or indirect and will always be universal, equal and secret. (Constitute Project, “France's Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2008”)

====Gabon====
Under Title I, Article 4, Suffrage can be direct or indirect, is universal and secret. Gabonese citizens must be at least 18 years of age to vote. (Constitute Project, “Gabon’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====The Gambia====
According to Chapter 5, Article 39, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in universal elections through a secret ballot to freely elect representatives. (Constitute Project, “Gambia’s (The) Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Georgia====
Under Article 37 and Article 74 of Georgia’s Constitution, citizens have the right to vote in local elections and for members of Parliament in fair and free elections by secret ballots. (Constitute Project, “Georgia’s Constitution of 1995 with revisions through 2018”).

====Germany====
Under Article 37 of Germany’s constitution, every citizen over the age of 18 is allowed to vote in elections. Members of the German Butdestag are elected every four years via free, equal, direct, and secret elections (Constitute Project, “Germany’s Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Ghana====
Under Chapter 7, Article 42, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in public elections and referendum via secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Ghana’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Greece====
Under Section III, Article 51, every citizen who has met the minimum age requirement of 18, is not legally incapactiated, and has not had the right revoked for criminal actions must vote for members of Parliament via direct and secret ballots.(Constitute Project, “Greece’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Grenada====
Under Chapter III, Part I, any citizen who is 18 years of age or older may vote for his/her district representative for the House of Representatives unless that right has been legally revoked by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Grenada’s Constitution of 1973, Reinstated in 1991 and with Amendments through 1992”).

====Guatemala====
Under Chapter II, any citizen, by definition over 18 years of age, has the freedom of suffrage. Citizens may cast secret ballots to elect the Congress of the Republic, President, and Vice-President. (Consitute Project, “Guatemala’s Constitution of 1985 with Amendments through 1993”).

====Guinea====
Under Guinea’s Constitution, the President and members of the legislature are elected via free, equal, direct, and secret elections. All citizens are allowed to vote as long as they are over 18 and meet citizenship requirements. (Constitute Project, “Guinea’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Guinea-Bissau====
According to Section II, Article 63, The President of the Republic is elected through universal, secret suffrage of the electing citizens. Electing citizens must be 18 years or older. (Constitute Project, “Guinea-Bissau’s Constitution of 1984 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Guyana====
According to Title II, persons 18 years or upwards and either a citizen of Guyana or a commonwealth citizen who has also been a Guyana resident for 1 year may vote in elections for Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Haiti====
Under Article 17, Haitians 21 years or older may participate in universal voting regardless of sex or marital status. (Constitute Project, “Haitian Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Honduras====
According to Article 5, voting is seen as a public duty. All Honduras citizens, by definition over the age of 18, are obligated to vote in universal, egalitarian, direct, free, and secret elections. (Constitute Project, “Honduras’ Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Hungary====
Under Articles 2 and 35, members of the National Assembly and of Local government are elected via fair and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Hungry’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Iceland====
Under Article 33, all Icelandic citizens of the age of 18 or older have the right to vote in Althingi. Permanent naturalized Icelandic citizens is a requirement for non-birthright persons who wish to vote. Under Article 5, such persons may also vote for president. (Constitute Project, “Iceland’s Constitution of 1944 with Amendments through 2013”).

====India====
Article 326 of the Constitution provides that the elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage. The Constitution Act of 1988, the Sixty-first Amendment changed the age of voting to 18 (Government of India, “The Constitution (Sixty-first Amendment) Act, 1988”).

====Indonesia====
Citizens of Indonesia vote for members of the People’s Representative Council as long as they are over 17 and have a valid voter ID card. (Constitute Project, “Indonesia’s Constitution of 1945, reinstated in 1959 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Iran====
Under Article 62, the Islamaic Consultative Assembly is elected directly by the people through a secret ballot. Eligible voters must either be birthright citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran or naturalized citizens and of an age dictated by referendums and law. Under Article 6, the President and referendums must also be voted on by the public. (Constitute Project, “Iran’s (Islamic Republic of) Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1989”).

====Iraq====
In Article 20, the Iraqi Constitution states that all citizens shall have the right to vote, elect, and run for office. The voting age in Iraq is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005”).

====Republic of Ireland====
Under Article 16, all Irish citizens over the age of 18 have the right to universal elections of the Dáil Éireann. Under Article 12, all Irish citizens who have the right to vote for the Dáil Éireann have the right to vote for the President through Single Transferable Vote elections. (Constitute Project, “Ireland’s Constitution of 1937 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Israel====
Under Article 5, all Israeli Nationals over the age of 18 have the right to vote in elections to the Knesset, unless a court has deprived them of that right. (Constitute Project, “Israel’s Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Italy====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Ivory Coast====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Jamaica====
According to Article 37, any Jamaican citizen 21 years or older may be an elector in elections for the House of Representatives. Any naturalized citizen may also vote in elections for the House of Representatives as long as they have been naturalized for at least 12 months prior to registering to vote. (Constitute Project, “Jamaica’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Japan====
According to Article 15, Japanese citizens have an inalienable right to elect their public officials, both local and to the house of representatives. Universal adult suffrage is guaranteed to all citizens above an age set by referendum. (Constitute Project, “Japan’s Constitution of 1946 with Amendments”).

====Jordan====
According to Article 67, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected by general, secret and direct elections by the citizens of Jordan which will be defined by law. (Constitute Project, “Jordan’s Constitution of 1952 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kazakhstan====
According to Article 86, local representatives shall be elected by the of-age population through universal, secret suffrage for a five year term. In addition, under Article 41, the President of the Republic shall also be elected by the of-age population through universal suffrage via a secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Kenya====
Under Article 38, every citizen has the right to free and fair elections based on universal suffrage. Every citizen over the age of 18 can register as a voter, vote by secret ballot or in a referendum, and run for elected office. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Kiribati====
Under Article 64, every citizen of Kiribati who is over 18 and is a resident of one of the electoral districts established by the Kiribati constitution is entitled to be an elector in the district in which he is a resident. The person may then vote for his representative in the Maneaba ni Maungatabu. (Constitute Project, “Kiribati’s Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Kuwait====
Under Article 87, citizens have a right to elect members of The National Assembly every 4 years or if the Emir calls for a special election after dissolving The National Assembly. (Constitute Project, “Kuwait’s Constitution of 1979, reinstated in 1992”).

====Kyrgyzstan====
Under Article 2, all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by equal and direct elections with secret ballots. Citizens vote for the President of the country and members of the Jogorku Kenesh. (Constitute Project, “Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution of 2010, with Amendments through 2016”)

====Laos====
Under Article 4, members of the National Assembly and the Local People’s Assemblies are voted into office via equal and direct voting with secret ballots. The voting age in Laos is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, Laos’s Constitution of 1991, with Amendments through 2015)

====Latvia====
Under Chapter II, Article 6, The Saeima shall be elected in general, equal, and direct elections and by secret ballot through proportional representation by Latvian citizens over 18 years of age. Citizens who are eligible to vote for The Saeima are also eligible to vote in national referendums according to Chapter III, Article 80 of the Latvian Constitution. (Constitute Project, “Latvia’s Constitution of 1992, reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 2016”).

====Lebanon====
Under Article 21, every Lebanese citizen twenty-one years or older has the right to vote in public elections. Elections elect members to the Board of Deputies. (Constitute Project, Lebanon’s Constitution of 1926 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Lesotho====
Under Article 57, Citizens of Lesotho who are 18 years of age or older and reside in Lesotho may vote in elections to The National Assembly, which is the first chamber of the Lesotho government. (Constitute Project, “Lesotho’ Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Liberia====
Under Article 83, Citizens of Liberia may vote for the President, Vice-President, members of the Senate, members of The House of Representatives, and referendum once they meet the legal adult age as dictated by law. (Constitute Project, Liberia’s Constitution of 1986”).

====Libya====
Under Article 18, The National Transitional Council is the electoral body responsible for electing the President of Libya. This council consists of members of the local councils throughout the country. (Constitute Project, Libya’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Liechtenstein====
According to Article 46, Parliament shall consist of 25 publicly selected representatives that will be elected through secret, universal, and direct suffrage by Liechtenstein citizens over the age set by law. (Constitute Project, “Liechtenstein’s Constitution of 1921 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Lithuania====
According to Article 78, any citizen who has reached the age of 18 by election day has a right to vote in public, direct, and secret elections for the President of the Republic. Under Article 34, those who are eligible to vote for the President of the Republic may also participate in the elections of the Seimas. (Constitute Project, “Lithuania’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Luxembourg====
Under Article 32bis, The Deputies of the Chamber of Deputies are elected by universal suffrage following the rules of proportional representation. Any Luxembourg citizen of the age of 18 or older is eligible to vote in these elections according to Article 52. (Constitute Project, “Luxembourg’s Constitution of 1868 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Madagascar====
Under Article 5, Madagascar’s Constitution grants universal suffrage via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Madagascar is 18 years old. Additionally, Article 45 states that the President of the Republic is voted into office every 5 years by universal direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Madagascar's Constitution of 2010 ”).

====Malawi====
Under Article 77, an eligible voter must be a citizen of Malawi or a Malawi resident of at least 7 years, 18 years of age or older, and a resident of the constituency of which they are trying to vote. If all of these are true, the voter may participate in general elections, by-elections, presidential elections, local government elections, and referendums. (Constitute Project, “Malawi’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Malaysia====
Under Article 119, every citizen of Malaysia who is the age of 21 years or older, is a resident in a constituency, and is registered as an elector in the constituency in which he/she resides is eligible to vote in elections to the House of Representatives or the Legislative Assembly. (Constitute Project, “ Malaysia’s Constitution of 1957 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Maldives====
According to Article 26, every citizen over the age of 18 has the right to vote in elections and public referendums via secret ballots and run for office in the Maldives. According to Article 10, the President is elected by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Maldives’s Constitution of 2008 ”).

====Mali====
According to Article 27, suffrage is granted to all citizens of Mali over the age of 18 to participate in universal, equal, and secret elections. The President of Mali is elected every 5 years by an absolute majority of votes. Additionally, under Article 61, the Deputies are elected every 5 years via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Mali’s Constitution of 1992 ”).

====Malta====
According to Article 57, a citizen of Malta over the age of 18 and currently residing in Malta may vote in secret elections via transferable voting. These public elections are used to determine the members of the House of Representatives through proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Malta’s Constitution of 1964 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Marshall Islands====
According to Section 3, elections of the members of Nitijela shall be conducted via a secret ballot system based on universal suffrage of those who have attained the age of 18 years or greater unless they are certified insane or are currently serving time for a felony. (Constitute Project, “Marshall Islands’ Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1995”).

====Mauritania====
Under Article 3, suffrage, both indirect and direct, must be universal, equal, and secret and is a right provided to everyone who has met the legal age requirement regardless of gender. Article 26 states that The President is elected by universal suffrage. Under Article 47, the Deputies to the National Assembly are elected via direct suffrage, however the senators are elected via indirect suffrage in order to represent the all territories of The Republic. (Constitute Project, “Mauritania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Mauritius====
Under Article 42, a person may be an elector if they are a citizen of at least 18 years of age and reside in the constituency in which they wish to vote. Electors shall elect members of The Parliament of Mauritius which consists of 70 members and elects the President. (Constitute Project, “Mauritius’ Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Mexico====
Under Article 52, Mexicans of 18 years of age or older may participate in public elections. The House of Representatives shall be elected 1/3rd through uninominal voting and 2/3rds through proportional representation. All 128 senators shall be elected via majority voting by their own state. Under Article 41, elections of the legislative branch and executive branch shall be free, authentic, and periodical through universal and direct voting. (Constitute Project, “Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Federated States of Micronesia====
Under Article VI, a citizen of 18 years of age or greater may vote in secret national elections to the Senate. Law shall determine the length of time one must be a resident to register to vote. Conviction of a crime and insanity remove ones ability to vote. (Constitute Project, “Micronesia’s (Federal States of) Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 1990”).

====Moldova====
Under Article 38, all citizens who have attained 18 years of age have a right to suffrage unless prevented by law. Article 61 states that elections for the Parliament shall be elected by universal, direct, equal, secret, and freely expressed suffrage. Under Article 78, the President shall be elected by similarly run elections with a majority needed to become elected. If a majority is not found after the first ballot, a second ballot will be voted upon with the top two candidates to determine the winner. (Constitute Project, “Moldova’s (Republic of) Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Monaco====
According to Article 53, the 24 members of The National Council are elected by direct universal suffrage. Electors are Monegasque citizens, of either gender, who have reached 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Monaco’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Mongolia====
According to Article 21, members of The State Great Hural shall be elected by citizens who are qualified to vote, via universal, free, and direct voting. Under Article 31, each political party in The State Great Hural may provide one nominated presidential candidate which the citizens may vote on. (Constitute Project, “Mongolia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Montenegro====
The Constitution of Montenegro states that citizens (age 18 or older) are entitled to vote in national elections for members of Parliament and for the President. (Constitute Project, “Montenegro’s Constitution of 2007 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Morocco====
Article 2 of Morocco’s Constitution states that representatives are elected by the people via principles of universal and free suffrage. Article 30 expands on the claim to universal suffrage stating that voting is a “personal right and national duty” granted to Moroccan citizens (age 18 and older). (Constitute Project, “Morocco’s Constitution of 2011”).

====Mozambique====
Under Article 73, citizens of Mozambique are granted the right of universal, direct, and equal suffrage by secret ballot. Citizens of Mozambique can vote once they are 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Mozambique’s Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Myanmar====
Article 391 of Myanmar’s Constitution states that citizens at least 18 years old have the right to vote for each Hluttaw of their constituency. The only individuals that are not allowed to vote are those 1) “members of religious orders,” 2) those serving sentences, 3) incompetent individuals, 4) individuals otherwise disqualified by law. (Constitute Project, “Myanmar’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Namibia====
Under Article 17, every citizen of Namibia, who has reached the age of 18, has a right to suffrage. Article 28 states that the President shall be elected under direct, universal, and equal suffrage. The National Assembly, under Article 46, shall be composed of 96 members who are elected by general, direct, and secret ballot. 8 other members shall be appointed by the President. (Constitute Project, “Namibia’s Constitution of 1990 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nauru====
Article 84 states that citizens of Nauru can vote for members of Parliament and for referendums based on the principles of universal suffrage. The voting age in Nauru is 20 years old. (Constitute Project, “Nauru’s Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Nepal====
Under Article 84, any Nepali citizen who has attained the age of 18 years has a right to suffrage. The House of Representatives consists of 165 members to be elected through the post electoral system and 110 elected through a proportional representation electoral system. The National Assembly is voted upon by local elected leaders according to Article 86. According to Article 62, members from The National Assembly and The House of Representatives make up an electoral college to elect the President. (Constitute Project, “ Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kingdom of the Netherlands====
Article 4 of the Dutch Constitution states that every Dutch citizen has the right to elect members of Parliament and run for office, so long as they are over the age of 18. The voting age is set by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “ Kingdom of the Netherland's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2008”).

====New Zealand====
Article 12 of New Zealand’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the electoral rights of voting for members of the House of Representatives by secret ballot and to run to be a member of the House of Representatives. (Constitute Project, “New Zealand’s Constitution of 1852 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nicaragua====
Under Article 2 of Nicaragua’s Constitution, Nicaraguan citizens are granted the right of “sovereign power through their representatives” via equal, direct, universal and secret suffrage. Articles 132, 146, and 178 grant the right for citizens to vote for the President, legislators in the National Assembly, and local officials. (Constitute Project, “ Nicaragua’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Niger====
Article 7 of Niger’s Constitution grants Nigerian citizens over the age of 18 or “emancipated minors'' the right to direct and indirect suffrage via equal, free, and secret ballots. Articles 47 and 84 states that the President and The Deputies are elected via universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Niger’s Constitution of 2010 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Nigeria====
Article 4 of Nigeria’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for members of the House of Assembly. Article 117 states that any citizen over the age of 18 that is registered to vote may do so in these elections. (Constitute Project, “ Nigeria’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====North Korea====
Under Article 6, citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are granted the right of universal, equal and direct suffrage. Citizens over the age of 17 can vote for members of the Supreme People’s Assembly according to Article 89 and the local People’s Assembly under Article 138. (Constitute Project, “ North Korea’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2016”).

====North Macedonia====
Article 22 in the Constitution of North Macedonia grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in universal and direct elections with secret ballots. If a person is “deprived of the right to practice their profession by a court verdict,” they lose their right to vote. Citizens vote for the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia under Article 62 and the President of the Republic under Article 81. (Constitute Project, “North Macedonia (Republic of)'s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Norway====
Article 50 of Norway’s Constitution grants nearly all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote. Citizens residing outside Norway during the election or who “Suffer from a seriously weakened mental state” are subject to the determination of law on whether or not they may vote. (Constitute Project, “Norway's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Oman====
Under Article 58bis 9 of Oman’s Constitution, members of the Majlis Al Shura are elected through direct and secret votes. Citizens of Oman must be 21 or older to vote for these members. (Constitute Project, “ Oman’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Pakistan====
Article 51 states that an individual in Pakistan may vote if they are a citizen, are over the age of 18, are registered to vote, and have a sound mind. Members of the National Assembly are elected via direct and free suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973, reinstated in 2002 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Palau====
Article 7 of the Constitution of Palau grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in National and state elections. The Olbiil Era Kelulau (the legislative body) determines the residency requirements of voting in these elections. (Constitute Project, “Palau’s Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Panama====
Article 135 states that it is the right and duty of all citizens of Panama to vote in their free, universal, direct, and secret elections. The voting age in Panama is 18. Article 150 states that the members of the National Assembly of Panama are voted into office. (Constitute Project, “ Panama’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Papua New Guinea====
Under articles 50 and 126 all citizens over the age of 18 may vote unless they are serving a sentence over 9 months, have been convicted of a crime or have dual citizenship. Voters elect the members of Parliament via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Papua New Guinea’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Paraguay====
Article 118 of Paraguay’s Constitution states that it is the right and duty of citizens to vote in their universal, direct, equal and secret elections. Article 120 states that the voting age is 18 and that Paraguayan citizens living abroad may also vote. (Constitute Project, “ Paraguay’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Peru====
Under articles 111 and 191 the President and the Regional Governors are elected through universal suffrage. The voting age in Peru is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Peru’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2021”).

====Philippines====
Article 5 of the Constitution of the Philippines concerns suffrage, stating that citizens over the age of 18 that have resided in the country for the previous year are entitled to vote. Article 6 states that the members of the Senate, House of Representatives, and the President are elected to office by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Philippines’s Constitution of 1987”).

====Poland====
Article 62 of the Polish Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote for the President and representatives of the Sejm and Senate and participate in referendums. Article 127 states that the President of the Republic is elected by the people every 5 years via universal, direct, and secret voting. (Constitute Project, “ Poland’s Constitution of 1997 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Portugal====
Article 10 states that political power is exercised via universal, direct, and secret suffrage granted to citizens of Portugal (over 18 years of age). Article 121 states that the President of the Republic is elected via universal, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Portugal’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Qatar====
Under article 93 of Qatar’s Constitution the President is elected via secret ballot by the majority of votes from attending members of the Council. Qatar is not a democracy and therefore citizens have not traditionally had the right to vote for political officials. (Constitute Project, “ Qatar’s Constitution of 2003”).

====Romania====
Article 36 of Romania’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 who are mentally sound and have not had voting privileges revoked in court may vote. Articles 62 and 81 state that The Chamber of Deputies and the President are elected via universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Romania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Russia====
Article 81 states that the President is elected every 6 years via universal, equal, and direct suffrage by a secret ballot. The voting age in Russia is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Russia’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Rwanda====
Article 2 grants universal and equal suffrage to all Rwandan citizens via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Rwanda is 18 years old. Article 75 states that the Chamber of Deputies is elected to office via direct universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Rwanda’s Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Saint Kitts and Nevis====
Under article 29 of the Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by secret ballot for the purpose of electing Representatives. Article 38 also grants these same individuals the right to vote in referendums. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Kitts and Nevis’s Constitution of 1983”).

====Saint Lucia====
Article 33 grants citizens (over the age of 18) the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives via universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Lucia’s Constitution of 1978”).

====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====
Under article 27 all citizens who are over the age of 18 and meet proper residence requirements are entitled to vote for representatives based on the principles of universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’s Constitution of 1979”).

====Samoa====
The Constitution of Samoa has little mention of universal and direct suffrage because the Head of State is appointed by the Legislative Assembly. Members of the Legislative Assembly are elected to represent the 41 territorial villages, however the specifics of voter laws and processes are not described. It is known, however, that the voting age is 21. (Constitute Project, “Samoa’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2017”).

====San Marino====
According to Article 7, suffrage is universal, secret, and direct and is granted to all citizens of the country over the legal voting age of 18. (Policing Law, “San Marino’s Constitution of 1974”).

====São Tomé and Príncipe====
Article 58 of the Constitution grants all citizens over the age of18 the right to vote as long as they are competent. Article 78 states that the President of the Republic is elected by universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “São Tomé and Príncipes’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Saudi Arabia====
Citizens of Saudi Arabia do not typically have the consistent and direct right to vote in elections, especially for national offices. Elections have been held intermittently in recent history. (Constitute Project, “Saudi Arabia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Senegal====
Article 3 of Senegal’s Constitution grants Senegalese citizens over the age of 18 the right to direct and indirect suffrage by equal and secret ballot. Articles 26 and 59 state that the President and the representative assembly are elected via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Senegal’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Serbia====
Under article 52 of Serbia’s Constitution all individuals of the proper age (18 years old) and working status are entitled to universal, free, and direct voting by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Serbia’s Constitution of 2006”).

====Seychelles====
Under article 24 of the Constitution of Seychelles all citizens over the age of 18 have the right to be registered as a voter as well as to participate in public affairs and run for office. Both the President and members of the National Assembly are elected into office. (Constitute Project, “Seychelles’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Sierra Leone====
According to article 31 of Sierra Leone’s Constitution, citizens over the age of 18 with a sound mind of the right to register to vote. Article 42 states that the President of Sierra Leone is voted on by these electors. (Constitute Project, “Sierra Leone’s Constitution of 1991, reinstated in 1996 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Singapore====
According to the Constitution of Singapore, citizens vote in two types of elections, parliamentary and presidential. Citizens of Singapore can vote once they are 21 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Singapore’s Constitution of 1963 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Slovakia====
Article 30 of Slovakia’s Constitution states that the right to vote granted to Slovakian citizens is universal, equal and direct. Additionally, it states that citizens have the right to vote for their national representatives and in municipal elections. The voting age in Slovakia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Slovakia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Slovenia====
Under Article 43, all citizens over the age of 18 can vote in the universal and equal elections. Additionally, in some cases, aliens of Slovenia may vote as determined by the law. Article 80 states that the members of the National Assembly are elected via these universal and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Slovenia’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Solomon Islands====
The Preamble to the Constitution of the Solomon Islands states that their government is based on the principles of universal suffrage. Article 56 explands on this notion, stating that citizens must be registered to vote. The voting age is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Solomon Islands’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Somalia====
Under article 141 of Somalia’s Constitution eligible voters have the right to vote in referendums and by secret ballot in elections. The voting age in Somalia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “ Somalia’s Constitution of 2012”).

====South Africa====
Articles 1 and 19 of South Africa’s Constitution make note of adult citizens’ right to universal, equal, and fair elections as well as to run for political office. Article 47 states that these adult citizens have the right to elect the members of the National Assembly.(Constitute Project, “South Africa’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2012”).

====South Korea====
According to Article 24 of South Korea’s Constitution, all citizens (over the age of 19) are allowed to vote in elections. Article 67 states that the President of South Korea should be elected based on the principles of universal and direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “South Korea’s Constitution of 1948 with Amendments through 1987”).

====South Sudan====
Article 56 of South Sudan’s Constitution states that members of the National Legislative Assembly are voted into office based on the principles of universal and fair suffrage by adult citizens of the nation, age 17 and older. (Constitute Project, “South Sudan’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Spain====
Under article 23 of Spain’s Constitution adult citizens (over the age of 18) have the right to participate in public affairs and elect their representatives through universal and free elections. (Constitute Project, “ Spain’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Sri Lanka====
Under Article 88 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution, all adult citizens have the right to elect the President and Members of the Parliament, as well as vote on a referendum, as long as they are registered to vote and are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Sri Lanka’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Sudan====
Sudan’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for the President as well as members of the National Legislature. Citizens of Sudan can vote in these elections once they are 17 years old. (Constitute Project, “Sudan’s Constitution of 2019”).

====Suriname====
Article 54 of Suriname’s Constitution gives adult citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote as long as they are registered voters. Articles 57 and 58 states that citizens have the right to vote for the members of the National Assembly barring their right to vote has not been revoked by the courts (Constitute Project, “Suriname’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Sweden====
The Preamble of Sweden’s Constitution notes that their democracy is founded upon the principles of universal suffrage. Article 4 expands on this notion stating that all citizens (at home or abroad) over the age of 18 can vote for the members of the Riksdag. (Constitute Project, “Sweden’s Constitution of 1974 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Switzerland====
Article 136 of the Swiss Constitution lays out the political right for Swiss citizens, stating that all Swiss citizens over the age of 18 (unless they are mentally incapable of doing so) may vote in their free elections. The Swiss legislature can create mandatory and optional referendums. (Constitute Project, “Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Syria====
Under Article 59 of Syria’s Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 and meet the proper “conditions” have the right to vote in elections. Article 57 states that the members of the People’s Assembly are elected by these voters.(Constitute Project, “Syria’s Constitution of 2012”).

====Tajikistan====
Under Articles 49 and 65, members of the Majlisi Namoyandagon and the President of Tajikistan are elected in universal and free elections by secret ballot. Citizens in Tajikistan can vote if they are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Tajikistan’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tanzania====
Article 5 in Tanzania’s Constitution grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in any election. Members of Parliament and the President are elected by the people. (Constitute Project, “Tanzania’s Constitution of 1977 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Thailand====
Article 95 of the Thai Constitution grants Thai citizens of 5 years or more that are registered and are at least 18 years old the right to vote. Article 85 states that members of the House of Representatives of Thailand are elected via direct suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Thailand’s Constitution of 2017”).

====Togo====
Under article 5 of the Constitution of Togo grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to universal, equal, and secret suffrage. Articles 52, 59, and 141 state that the Deputies, President, and territorial collectivities are voted into office based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Togo’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tonga====
Tongan citizens over the age of 21 who are not nobles, insane or disabled by the definitions of the 23rd Article can vote for representatives, according to Article 64. Citizens living abroad may also vote as long as they are registered. (Constitute Project, “Tonga’s Constitution of 1875 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Trinidad and Tobago====
Under Article 51, citizens 18 years or older and that have proper residence may vote and run for office. Eligible voters elect the members of the legislature and the President. (Constitute Project, “Trinidad and Tobago’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tunisia====
Under Article 54, Tunisian citizens are eligible voters if they are at least 18 years old. Article 55 states that these voters elect the members of the Assembly of the Representatives of the People via principles of universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tunisia’s Constitution of 2014”).

====Turkey====
Article 67 of Turkey’s Constitution gives its citizens (18 years old or older) the right to vote, run for office, and engage in political activity. Some members of the Armed Forces and individuals convicted of crimes cannot vote. Articles 75 and 101 grant voters the right to elect the members of the Grand National Assembly and the President via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Turkey’s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Turkmenistan====
Under Article 119, citizens of Turkmenistan who are at least 18 years old can vote for the President of Turkmenistan, the deputies of the Mejlis, and members of the People’s Council. (Constitute Project, “Turkmenistan’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tuvalu====
Article 87 of the Tuvalu Constitution states that the members of Parliament are voted into office by voting age (18 years old) adults based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tuvalu’s Constitution of 1986 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Uganda====
Articles 78 and 103 grant citizens of Uganda the right to vote for representatives and the President through processes of universal suffrage by secret ballot. The voting age in Uganda is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Uganda’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Ukraine====
Articles 70 and 71 of Ukraine’s Constitution lay out the rights of voters. Ukrainian citizens age 18 or older who are not deemed incompetent can vote in local and national elections based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Ukraine’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2016”).

====United Arab Emirates====
Under article 46 of section 1, The Supreme Council of the Union, each Emirate shall have a single vote in the deliberations of the council. According to article 49 decisions of the council and procedural matters shall be taken by majority vote. Article 61 states that the decisions are secret and in an evenly divided vote the Chairman’s vote shall prevail. There are no political parties and, until the beginning of the 21st century, no elections were held. Now, an electoral college meets every four years to select half of the members of the advisory Federal National Council, the other half is designated by appointment. (Constitute Project, “United Arab Emirates's Constitution of 1971 with Amendments through 2004”)

====United Kingdom====
The Reform Act of 1832 was the first piece of legislation to expand voting rights in the United Kingdom. It established that men above the age of 21 who were freeholders of property could vote. Universal suffrage was established with the Representation of the People Act 1969, which extended the right to vote to all persons of age (Anglotopia, "The History of Voting Rights in the United Kingdom")

====United States====
U.S. election laws first were seen in Article 1 of the Constitution, which gave states the responsibility to oversee federal elections. Since then, many Constitutional amendments and federal laws have been put in place to protect voting rights such as the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, and Twenty-sixth Amendment (USA Gov, "Voting and Elections").

====Uruguay====
Chapter 2 article 77 of the 1966 Constitution of Uruguay states that since every citizen is a member of the sovereignty of the nation, they are eligible to vote and participate in the electoral process (Constitute Project, "Uruguay's Constitution of 1966, Reinstated in 1985, with Amendments through 2004").

====Uzbekistan====
The law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage in 1994 granted Citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan the right to take part in public and state affairs both as directly and through their representatives (Legislaionline, "Law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage").

====Vanuatu====
The 1980 Constitution under Chapter 1, National Sovereignty, The Electoral Franchise and Political Parties, entitles every citizen of age thee right to vote (Constitute Project, "Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2013").

====Venezuela====
Under the 1999 Constitution of Venezuela, Article 64, all Venezuelans over the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, Venezuela's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2009).

====Vietnam====
According to Chapter I, Political System, Article 7 of the Vietnmaese Constitution the elections are held in accordance with the principles of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. Under Chapter II, Human Rights and Citizen’s Fundamental Rights and Duties, Article 27 citizens of the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, “Vietnam’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Yemen====
Under Part Three, Organization of the State Authorities, Chapter 1, Article 63 of the Yemeni Constitution, The members of the House of Representatives shall be elected in a secret free and equal vote directly by the people (Constitute Project, “Yemen's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Zambia====
Article 75, clause 1 of the 1991 Constitution grants every citizen of Zambia who has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter (Election Access, "Zambia").

====Zimbabwe====
According to ZImbabwe’s Constitution, Chapter 7, Elections, Part one, Electoral Systems and Processes, Number 155, Principles of the Electoral System, elections must be held regularly and referendums to which the Constitution applies must be peaceful, free, conducted by a secret ballot and based on universal suffrage and equality (Constitute Project, “Zimbabwe's Constitution of 2013”).

===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
Other noteworthy written sources that mention an implicit right to vote in a more modern context include Thomas Rainsborough during the British Putney Debates in 1647, where he stated, “I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that Government that he hath not had a voice to put Himself under.” Rainsborough’s speech at the Putney Debates also alluded to a divine right to vote:

"I do think the main cause why Almighty God gave men reason, it was that they should make use of that reason…every man born in England cannot, ought not, neither by the law of God nor the law of nature, to be exempted from the choice of those who are to make laws for him to live under." (Rainsborough)

In the United States, the 1776 Constitution of Virginia was one of the first written sources to establish a protected right to vote, stating that “all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage.” Federalist 52, written by James Madison, also alludes to the importance of voting rights, stating “the definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government” (Avalon Project). Similar to earlier conceptions of democracy as a means of quelling the potential for rebellion, concessions to expand voting rights in Great Britain, in particular, were in large part made by political leaders to “prevent the necessity of revolution” among the population (National Archives). In both of these cases, however, the right to vote was granted solely to property-owning men, and it would not be until the mid-19th Century that the connection between the right to vote and property ownership would be removed in both Great Britain and the United States. Additionally, perceptions of suffrage as a universal right have come about much more recently, with New Zealand becoming the first country to legally recognize suffrage as a universal right in 1893 under Part One of the Electoral Act, which outlined that “every person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards who has resided for one year in the colony” was eligible to vote.

===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
An Aristotelian approach to voting is complex, in part because democracies of his day functioned differently than those today. Aristotle broke the selection of officials into three main categories. The first was selection of officials by lot in which case office would be open to all citizens. Aristotle viewed selection by lot to be a democratic feature. The second category was selecting officials by means of elections, which he considered to be more oligarchic and aristocratic. The third category was a combination of the first two, in which some members were elected for the purpose of certain matters and others were chosen either by lot from all or by lot from a preselected group, or these two groups worked together in the same offices (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b5).

Aristotle outlined election features of different types of democracies that were considered democratic because of their incorporation of the assembly. The first type would be that in which offices were open to all but would be appointed in turn by magistrates. In this case few things would be decided by all in the assembly, but the assembly would decide on the passage of laws and they would approve or withhold the selection of officials by magistrates. Aristotle did not specifically explain how magistrates would go about selecting officials in this type of democracy (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a9). Another type of democracy was one in which more matters were decided by the assembly, including legislation and selecting offices. Offices would be chosen by lot, except in the cases where an office required a special skill or knowledge, in which case they would be chosen by election (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a24). In the final form of democracy, the assembly would decide all matters. Officials would only be necessary for organizational purposes to ensure the assembly ran properly, and officials would not have final judgment on matters (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a28). In the case of democracies, Aristotle suggested paying the poor to attend the assembly and fining the rich for not. He also recommended limitations on payment for attendance in order to ensure the common people would not outweigh the rich. Aristotle wanted to avoid oligarchy by evening the influence of the rich and the poor, to ensure the common interest was at hand (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b11).

Aristotle also outlined differences in voting procedures in different types of oligarchies as well as mixed regimes and aristocracies and polities. One type of oligarchy was that in which officials were elected from among those who had the requisite amount of wealth. Another type was that in which all who had the requisite amount of wealth shared in rule. There were also cases of aristocracy or polity in which case all had control over matters of war, peace, and taking audits, but magistrates had control of everything else, including laws and electing officials. This type of regime would not be democratic because officials were not chosen by all, or at least not approved by all in the assembly. However, because all still decided on other matters such as war and peace, the regime would not be an oligarchy. “Lot is a democratic feature and will make them [regimes] polities by opening up office to many; election is an oligarchic and aristocratic feature and will either confine office to the wealthy (in which case the regime will be an aristocracy in the sense in which oligarchic polities are aristocracies) or to those with a certain quality or virtue (in which case the regime will be genuinely aristocratic…)” (Simpson 2002, 345). In general, Aristotle believed that rulers should rule in the common best interest, rather than solely in their own best interest (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1279a28). In the case of oligarchy, Aristotle recommended affording the populace the ability to give some input on political decisions, as this could promote peace, even if they were not given power in final decision making (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b26).

Aristotle had two large concerns with elections, campaigning and demagoguery. In terms of campaigning, Aristotle was concerned that only the people who wanted to be in office would be, rather than the people who necessarily deserved to be in office. He believed that a man who was worthy of office should accept the position regardless of if he wanted to (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1271a10). He also thought that campaigning “promotes love of honor, the cause, along with love of money, of most voluntary wrongs or deliberate acts of injustice” (Simpson 2002, 118). It is the pursuit of these wrongs that leads to tyranny. Additionally, regarding demagoguery, Aristotle worried that class interests would dominate elections, rather than the good of the whole. To prevent this, he recommended that the populace be divided into local groups for voting in elections. He believed that by voting in such groups, people would be less concerned with their general class interest, and would be more alert to local ties (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1305a28).

While Aristotle strongly believed citizens should participate in politics, he did not support extending political rights to slaves, women, or laborers. He thought that slaves did not possess the intellectual skills to be able to govern themselves, and hence would be subject to the governing of others (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1254b16-23). Similarly, women were viewed as naturally inferior to men with less capability of leading (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1259b1-2). An important point that Aristotle emphasized was that citizens should be ruled by their equals, resulting in a reciprocal equality, unlike that between slaves and their masters or women and men, and therefore women and slaves were not considered citizens. As for laborers and artisans, Aristotle believed that “there is a need for leisure both with a view to the creation of virtue and with a view to political activities,” which laborers and artisans did not have sufficient time for (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1329a1-2).

====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====

'''Confucianism'''

Confucianism presents that a virtuous person, and therefore a virtuous society, can only come about through the understanding of an individual’s place within their society, and the eager participation in the rites and rituals of the society by that individual (Mark, 2020). If both these things are realized, there will be a righteous and happy culture.

The two major parts of understanding one’s place in their social system is honoring ones familial and social superiors: “Filial piety and fraternal submission,--are they not the root of all benevolent actions?” (''Analects'', 1.2). Within the Analects, there are many rules emphasizing the actions and attitudes one must take to those one should honor. Confucianism proposes that interest in oneself is limiting and: “To subdue one’s self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue”.

This importance on the collective can harshly rub against one of the founding traditions towards the right to vote, as the right usually implies a dissatisfaction found within the current leadership when the right is expressed—certainly the modern origins of voting were led by that dissatisfaction. In fact, the insistence of usurping the power traditionally given to political superiors is greatly disrespectful and damaging under the Confucian view: “The requisites of government are that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler” (12.7). Confucianism reveals the highly individual nature of the right to vote which rises from a discontent towards the present politics.

Confucianism can reveal the other, more collective side of the right to vote as well, however. The overcoming of the self is key for Confucianism which is realized when: “…one de-emphasizes the boundaries between oneself and others, and gives one’s own and others’ concerns as much weight as is appropriate to the situation” (Chang & Kalmanson, 2010, pg. 109). This is immanently compatible with the right to vote. Moreover, public rituals were seen as the path towards peace and virtue: “In practicing the rules of [ritual] propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. This is the Way of the ancient kings, a quality of excellence, and in things small and great follow them” (''Analects'', 1.12). Later: “The management of a state demands the rules of [ritual] propriety” (11.26). Under this lens, the right to vote is a ritual with which the current political and social order is being upheld, as well as an opportunity for citizens to participate together. Confucianism reveals how the right to vote is also a modern ritual of political participation,

Confucianism shows how the right to vote has a paradoxical nature. On the one hand, it is a mechanism that allows citizens to privately disrespect their leaders and voice their resentment with the qualities of their current political system. At the same time, voting also acts as a modern-day ritual that is experienced with other citizens.

'''Taoism'''

Central to Taoism is the full acceptance of the Tao. Describing the Tao is difficult as the very first lines of the Laozi texts state: “The tao that can be told is not the eternal Tao. The name that can be named is not the ternal Name” (''Tao Te Ching'', 1). This notwithstanding, the Tao is akin to the source and substance of nature (James, 2015). It both creates and holds everything that is existing. With this expansiveness, the ambitions and anxieties of man’s daily life are unimportant and giving them special attention would be a personal mistake: “Heaven and earth are not like humans, they are impartial” (Tao Te Ching, 5).

The strivings that people have create a paradoxical relationship between our ambition and their outcomes and this relationship is found all throughout the foundational text: “The pride of wealth and position brings about their own misfortune” (9). What we strive towards will usually bring what we are trying to avoid. The Taoist prescription to this issue is wu wei, which is a type of nonattached, spontaneous action. With wu wei, one doesn’t struggle to get anywhere, rather they are just expressing their natures as part of the Tao: “To win true merit, to preserve just fame, the personality must be retiring. This is the heavenly [Tao]” (9).

The connection between Taoism and the right to vote can be readily made. The Taoist political life and rule is decidedly hands off. If it were intentional and active, one would reach similar problems to the ones that result from striving for things in one’s daily life. The Taoist errs on the side of not-intervening: “Among people the more restrictions and prohibitions there are, the poorer they become…The more laws and orders are issued the more thieves and robbers abound” (57). Later it states: “If a ruler practices wu wei the people will reform themselves” (57). The implication is that the more active a society’s politics is, the worse outcomes will occur for the state and its people. This shows that the Taoist has a preference towards a freer politics where the ruling forces are not apparent: “When great men rule, subjects know little of their existence…How carefully a wise ruler chooses his words. He performs deeds, and accumulates merit! Under such a ruler the people think they are ruling themselves” (17). Many have taken the Tao Te Ching as advocating for anarchism (Irwin, 2014; Rapp, 2012; Stamatov, 2014), and despite the inclusion of a ruler in most of its political references, this interpretation is quite proximal.

As with Confucianism, Taoism provides two insights about the right to vote. On one hand, the right to vote for citizens is a decidedly more emphasized version of the allowance for people’s self-reformation. While this reformation decidedly occurs through the changing of one’s rulers, voting rights allow the people to go their own way, and live according to the ever changing, spontaneous desires and ideas that they hold, and the elected leadership reflects that.

On the other hand, Taoism shows that the right to vote can come from a misguided ambition to change society, usually for unnecessary reasons. It is this discontented impulse which is responsible for the right to vote, and according to Taoism, this impulse brings with it dire consequences. Under this view, voting is unnecessary, and just another expression of man caring for things that are not his business. Of course, voting could also be an act of concession where the voter chooses for what their society already believes and approves of. Voting in this way is not to change anything, but rather to continue what is already present. However, it is arguable that the Taoist would still be against this as this prevents the spontaneous change present in the Tao.

====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====

In early Indian philosophy, there is little or no mention of voting rights. However, many ancient scriptures in different civilizations mention representative forms of government. In various regions of ancient India, republican governments existed. During the nineteenth century, research into the Buddhist Pali Canon revealed existing republicanism at the time. (Muhlberger, 1998). The Pali Canon provides a far more complete, though somewhat oblique, account of democratic institutions in Indian Philosophy, confirming and expanding on Panini's vision. The Maha-parinibbana-suttanta, the Mahavagga, and the Kullavagga are three of the Canon's oldest and most revered parts. Taken together, they preserve the Buddha's teachings for the proper operation of the Buddhist monastic community – the Sangha – after his death. (Muhlberger, 1998). They were the most reliable source on voting processes in a corporate body during the early Buddhist period. They also provide some insight into the development of democratic thought.

According to Panini, all northern India's states and territories (janapadas) during his time were founded on the colonization or conquest of a specific area by an identified warrior group who still controlled the political life of that area (Basham, 1959). Some of these peoples (known as janapadins by Panini) were ruled by a king who was, at least in theory, of their own blood and maybe reliant on their support (Muhlberger, 1998). Other than that, the janapadins handled their affairs in a republican fashion. Thus, in both types of state, the government was dominated by persons classed as ksatriyas, or members of the warrior caste, as later times would describe it (Hays, 2015). Another example is a republican federation known as the Kshudrak-Malla Sangha which posed serious resistance to Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC. Many more republican regimes in India have been mentioned by the Greeks, some of which were classified as pure democracies and others as "aristocratic republics” (Muhlberger, 1998).

According to Prakash (2006), a vote was called a 'chhanda,' which literally translates to a 'wish.' This evocative word was used to communicate the concept that voting expresses a member's free will and choice. There used to be multi-colored voting tickets called 'shalakas' (pins) for voting in the assembly . When a division was called, they were handed to members and collected by an officer of the assembly called the ‘shalaka grahak' (collector of pins). This official was chosen by the entire assembly. It was his responsibility to conduct the vote, which may be secret or open. However, Indian republics are beginning to sound extremely undemocratic by our modern standards, with real power concentrated in the hands of a few patriarchs representing the leading lineages of one privileged section of the warrior caste.

References:

Basham, A. L. (1959). India as Known to Pāṇini (A Study of the Cultural Material of the Ashṭādhyāyī). By V. S. Agrawala. pp. xx + 549, 3 maps, plate. Lucknow University, 1953. Rs. 50. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 91(3-4), 181–183. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00118544

Muhlberger, S. (1998). Democracy in Ancient India. https://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_muhlb_democra_frameset.htm

Prakash, A. (2006). Law relating to elections: an essential revision aid for law students. Universal Law Pub.

Hays, J. (2015). ANCIENT INDIA IN THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA. Facts and Details. http://factsanddetails.com/india/History/sub7_1a/entry-4105.html

====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====

Kant thought that citizens of a state could only be property-owning male or active members of society, and that they were the only individuals who could vote (Kant, 1991, p.27, para.1). With that in mind, as well as his hypothetical social contract theory, maintaining a just state under Kantianism seems unlikely. This is especially true when victims of the system, such as women, youth, the poor, minorities, and others, do not have a voice in what happens to them or their lives through voting and representation. Kant's system is geared on keeping the property owner and independent, while keeping the rest of society silent and dependent (Glawson, 2016). One might expect from this emphasis that Kant would insist that the proper political system is one that not only allows individuals to think for themselves about political issues, but also contains a mechanism such as voting to translate those well-reasoned opinions into government policy.

In his discussion in “Perpetual Peace” of the traditional division of the types of government Kant classifies governments in two dimensions. The first is the “form of sovereignty” (forma imperii), concerning who rules, and here Kant identifies the traditional three forms: autocracy, aristocracy, and democracy, “the power of a prince, the power of a nobility, and the power of the people” (Kant, 1991, p. 100). The second is the “form of government” (forma regiminis) concerning how those people rule, and here Kant offers a variation on the traditional good/bad dichotomy: either republican or despotic (Kant, 1991, p.101). The term ‘republican’ in Kant’s writings, “could be interpreted to represent what nowadays is generally called parliamentary democracy” (Kant, 1991, p.25, para.2). Despotism is defined as a state of unity in which the same ruler makes and enforces rules, thus transforming an individual's private will into the public will. Kant differentiates between a republicanism and despotism emphasizing that a ‘republican’ form of government is “where the executive is separated from the legislature, and the despotic, where it is not” (Kant, 1991, p.29, para.1)

Republics require representation to guarantee that the executive authority exclusively executes the will of the people by requiring the executive to enforce only laws enacted by representatives of the people, not the executive itself. However, a republic may function with just one lawmaker if other people serve as executives (Rauscher, 2016). Kant warns from the danger of a monarch becoming a tyrant. A monarch would enact laws in the name of the people, but the monarch's ministers would oversee enforcing them. Thus, like Rousseau, Kant is convinced that the adage of a republican government is the respect of law by the people and also by the ruler and the sovereign. (Kant, 1991, p.30, para.2). Kant's argument that such a government is republican demonstrates his belief that a republican government does not need real participation of the people in creating laws, even though elected representatives, as long as the laws are issued with the people's entire united will in mind.

When Kant addresses voting for representatives, he conforms to many of the time's prevalent biases. The right to vote necessitates, in Kant’s words, "being one's own master," (Kant, 1991, p.27), which entails owning property or having a talent that can sustain oneself. Kant classes those who are independent as ‘active’ citizens and those who are not as ‘passive’. He also excludes women from voting, claiming that “ [Women] are, on principle, disqualified. But any legislation should always be enacted and carried out as if the passive citizens too were participating” (Kant, 1991, p.27). His thesis is that these people are unsuitable to vote because they lack the ability to reason and have no free choice “being one’s own master” (Kant, 1991, p. 27). The mentally sick and the elderly who are unable to function are further instances of people who lack reason and are not their own masters. According to Kant, the presumption of being "one's own master" is essential for citizenship eligibility. For example, at least in Kant’s time, when a woman got married, her possessions became her husband's, and she is expected to completely rely on him, thus she does not own property and consequently excluded from voting (Glawson, 2017). To summarize, Kant did not believe that married women could be active members of a state or citizens since they are incompetent and dependent by their very nature as women (Glawson, 2017). Thus, Kant believes that just by adopting the people's point of view, a single individual or small group may properly represent the people at large. Insistence on a representative system is not the same as insisting on a representative system that is elected.

Regardless, Kant clearly believes that an elective representational democracy is preferable. Republican constitutions, he says, are more likely to prevent war because, when the people's permission is required, they will weigh the costs of war (fighting, taxes, property damage, and so on), but a non-republican ruler may be immune to such considerations. He also mentions in the "Doctrine of Right" that a republican government represents the people "by all the citizens united and acting via their delegates" (Rauscher, 2016).

References:

Glawson, J. D. (2017, November 24). Immanuel Kant on Suffrage: With a Libertarian Disagreement. Medium. https://medium.com/@JoshuaGlawson/immanuel-kant-on-suffrage-with-a-libertarian-disagreement-d6f149df3658

Kant, I. (1991). Kant: political writings. Cambridge University Press.

Rauscher, F. (2016, September 1). Kant's social and political philosophy. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant-social-political/

====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====

Weberian Thought (3.1.31)
Through the democratic process in which citizens elect their representatives to government, Weberian Thought held the promise that it would be possible to rewrite the historically authoritarian regime of Prussia (Germany at Weber’s time) perpetuated by Junkers, wealthy conservative landowners, and monarchists before the war. (Maley, 2011, p.76). Weber envisioned his model as a counterpoint to both the left's Social Democrats and the right's monarchists and Junkers.

According to Weber, equal suffrage meant equal universal voting rights for working classes who had historically been barred from voting. In his writings on equal suffrage in modern citizenship, he clearly states that equal suffrage is “closely related to the equality of certain fates which the modern state as such creates” (Weber, 1994, p. 105). He explicitly focuses on returning soldiers’ rights, and argues that the equality of the modern state functions in the way that people are equal before death, because the
“most basic needs [of physical existence] on the one hand and, on the other, that most solemn and lofty fact of all are encompassed by those equalities which the modern state offers all its citizens in a truly lasting and undoubted way: sheer physical security and the minimum for subsistence, but also the battlefield on which to die” (Weber, 1994, p.105, para.2)

Weber does not emphasize on women’s suffrage, he does, however, say that women should have the right to vote as long as “they too are ‘fighting’ the war if they do their duty” (Weber, 1994, p.78, line.14). Moreover, in “Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology”, Weber notes that “the woman is dependent because of the normal superiority of the physical and intellectual energies of the male” (Weber, 1978, p.1007). The Weberian Thought on voting was aiming to correct historical gender and class inequities or might at least mitigate the most severe exclusions of women, the urban working class, and the rural peasantry from power and government.

Weber's ideas for equal suffrage might be viewed as a partial erasing of historical discriminatory markings. Weber's suggestions have a deeper element to them than the more neutral sounding ‘counterweight’ to bureaucratic dominance (Weber, 1994, p.104). Equal suffrage emerged as a valuable counterbalance to both types of inequity. Weber saw that the inequities created by capitalism might be just as persistent as those created by prior, more feudal social systems. Against both, Weber advocated for a ‘positive politics’ in which “equal voting rights” means that the individual “is not considered in terms of the particular professional and family position he occupies, nor in relation to the differences of material and social situation, but purely and simply as a citizen” (Weber, 1994, p.103).

During the Russian revolution, enraged workers, students, and returning soldiers took to the streets in protest of the existing regime's ruler, Tsar Nicholas II, who had obstructed their enfranchisement and rights prior to the war and then ordered mass slaughter on the battlefield. Weber recognized their outrage at the collapsing regime, but he dismissed their demands for more revolutionary, far-reaching reform as immature. Although Weber understood the anger of Russian revolutionists against the crumbling regime, he saw it as immature and ‘childish’ (Maley, 2011, p. 99). Weber was concerned that under the Russian revolutionary circumstances of 1918–19, people would respond out of anger and rage, which would be doubly harmful. In “Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order”, Weber had already wondered “whether such explosions unleash yet again the familiar and usual fear of the propertied classes; in other words, it depends on whether the emotional effect of undirected mass fury produces the equally emotional and equally undirected cowardice of the bourgeoisie” (Weber, 1994, p. 232)

In his wartime newspaper writings, Weber made a strategic case for the Social Democratic Party's participation as a disciplined working-class party. Though Weber considered the working class to be too “immature” to take on the role of a ruling class, he praised the discipline and self-control of the Social Democrats' political partners, the trade unions. He said approvingly that “organizations like the trade unions, but also the Social Democratic Party, create a very important counterbalance [not only against the right, but] to the rule of the street which is so typical of purely plebiscitary nations and so prone to momentary and irrational influences” (Weber, 1994, p. 231).

References:

Maley, T. (2011). Democracy and the Political. In Democracy & the Political in Max Weber's Thought (pp. 77-120). Toronto; Buffalo; London: University of Toronto Press. Retrieved July 16, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttgq2.7

Weber, M. (1994). Weber: Political Writings. United States: Cambridge University Press.

Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology. University of California Press.

====Process Philosophy====
====Social Darwinism====

Social Darwinism held that human life in society was a fight for survival guided by the principle of "survival of the fittest", proposed by British philosopher and scientist Herbert Spencer. In his later publications, Spencer's devotion to the right of universal suffrage waned. While he views universal suffrage in Social Statics (1851) as a reliable way of keeping government from overstepping its bounds in safeguarding moral rights, he concludes in Principles of Ethics that universal suffrage fails to do so successfully, and therefore abandons his support for it. He subsequently came to the conclusion that universal suffrage posed more of a danger to moral rights than it did to defend them (Spencer on Voting, 1879). Over-legislation was promoted by universal suffrage, especially when it was extended to women, as it allowed the government to take on tasks that were not its responsibility.

Spencer understood that liberalism's fundamental objective has never been to grant people the right to vote, but rather to limit government authority. In Social Statics (1981), he states that “The function of Liberalism in the past was that of putting a limit to the powers of kings. The function of true Liberalism in the future will be that of putting a limit to the powers of Parliaments” (Spencer, 1981, p. 166). The primary motivation for expanding suffrage is to limit or prevent the government's role from expanding. When this aim is challenged, the law of equal freedom may be jeopardized less by suffrage restrictions than by their removal, according to Social Statics (Miller, 1982, p. 492).

Spencer's work emphasizes the importance of changes in the pattern of interrelationships between the individual and the state in social evolution. The gradual decline of government's function in people's lives, according to Spencer, is the key to optimal social evolution in the future (Miller, 1982, p. 493). Before the publication of Social Statics in 1851, Spencer thought that universal suffrage would eliminate class legislation and protect the interests of the entire community. He even criticized the association of ignorance to the working class saying that “it is a great error to suppose that ignorance is peculiar to the unenfranchised.” (Spencer, 1851, p.232, para. 4). In 1860, Spencer emphasized once more that extending suffrage is only justifiable when it is utilized to preserve or extend individual liberty. However, he praised the suffrage expansion brought about by the Reform Bill of 1867, a good example of the triumph of feeling over intellect.

Spencer's views on women's suffrage are similar to his views on allowing workers to vote. Spencer calls for unlimited political equality for women in Social Statics (1851). He portrays women as being cognitively and physically inferior to men in this book, despite the fact that history shows that some women are equal to men in both regards. They have thrived as rulers, scientists, authors, and artists despite institutional constraints (Miller, 1982, p. 494). If many women are inferior, then many men are as well. In either case, the inferior should not be denied the chance to use the faculties they have. However, Spencer had concluded by 1892 that women could not be trusted with unfettered franchise. His rationale was that women are less capable of abstract thinking than males and are more influenced by emotional appeals. Spencer does not give explicit reasoning as to why this is the case. He simply notes in Social Statics (1851) that “[a woman’s] faculties are less powerful [..] because woman is mentally inferior to man she has less extensive rights, amount to ? Just this,--that because woman has weaker faculties than man, she ought not to have like liberty with him to exercise the faculties she has!” (Spencer, 1851, p.158). In addition, “A further difference between men and women is due to the fact that men are liable to military service for the defense of the country in time of war. Since this burden does not fall upon women, they are not entitled to the franchise, until a state of permanent peace has been attained” (Elliot, 2019, p. 205).

References:

Elliot, H., Williams, B. (2019). Makers of the Nineteenth Century Herbert Spencer. United States: Creative Media Partners, LLC.

Miller, W. (1982). HERBERT SPENCER'S DRIFT TO CONSERVATISM. History of Political Thought, 3(3), 483-497. Retrieved July 25, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/26212267

Spencer on voting as a poor instrument for protecting our rights to life, liberty, and property (1879). Online Library of Liberty. (n.d.). https://oll.libertyfund.org/quote/spencer-on-voting-as-a-poor-instrument-for-protecting-our-rights-to-life-liberty-and-property-1879.

Spencer, H. (1851). Social Statics . Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/spencer-social-statics-1851

Spencer, H. (1981). The Man versus the State, with Six Essays on Government, Society and Freedom (LF ed.). Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/mack-the-man-versus-the-state-with-six-essays-on-government-society-and-freedom-lf-ed#Spencer_0020_330

====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====

The understanding of how and why human beings act was and still is often described as a dualistic interaction between mind and body. Usually this is described in terms of feelings. We feel a certain way, and that feeling prompts us to act. We eat because we feel like eating. We attack others because we feel angry. This causal explanation for behavior is taken for granted, but in the 19th century, a group of psychologists believed that behavior could be studied, not as an effect of the non-observable, ethereal mind, but rather as the outcome of changes from the environment. This was behaviorism, and William Baum states: “the central idea in behaviorism can be stated simply: ''A science of behavior is possible''” (Baum, 2017, pg. 3).

One of the most influential behaviorists, BF Skinner, was a radical behaviorist where instead of merely positing that only behavior could be objectively observed, went one step further in saying that all interior phenomena was a behavior like any other, and was subject to and created by the same environmental pressures as external behavior.

According to Skinner, all of our behavior and dispositions are determined by our environment. What we call freedom is merely the ability to free ourselves from “harmful contacts” (Skinner, 1971, pg. 32). Slavery is when we are unable to escape of avoid harm, and what Skinner calls the “literature of freedom”—philosophical and political traditions based around rights, emancipation, and the immorality of oppression—are merely ways to “..induce people to escape from or attack those who act to control them aversively” (pg. 35). The idea of freedom as an inherent right towards autonomy in one’s actions and beliefs is wholeheartedly rejected by Skinner, and instead is reduced to being able to do what one desires when the desire arises; a desire whose arising the individual has nothing to do with.

Dignity is an attribute that we use to describe someone’s character—character of course meaning a quality essential to someone’s internality, something that a radical behaviorist is very skeptical of. We do not respect someone’s action if it is done automatically, instead we value the individual who does a particular action ''despite'' whatever the environment compels them to do: “We give credit generosity when there are no obvious reasons for behaving differently…” (pg. 72). Our caring towards dignified action and character then reveals a blind spot that we have towards reality—if every behavior we do is determined and selected by the environment, no one deserves any credit towards their action, and no one is dignified for acting in a certain way.

Democracy and the right to vote for behaviorists like Skinner are then merely an expression of the fundamental biological mechanism of avoiding or escaping harmful contacts. If it weren’t for the aversive state of affairs that were present in the past, the right to vote would have never come about. Voting rights came about as a way to justify the public’s resistance to the restrictors, and this is in great contrast with the “literature of freedom’s” claim that the right to vote is a way to uphold god given rights. Voting, at base, was a way to control the behavior of those in power.

====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
Postmodernism evolved during the late 20th century in opposition to modernism and as a response to the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment encouraged a shift from intellectual dependence on the church and theology to a belief in a universal moral and intellectual historical experience legitimated by reason (Woods 1999, 227). Modernism supports the belief in this type of organization of knowledge and the human experience, suggesting that such reasoning would be unified by scientific thinking, teleology, and rationality. Modernism uses reason and scientific procedure to establish universal truths from which knowledge can be claimed and order established. The Enlightenment led to the spread of democratic values in the west, and likewise, influenced the creation of modern democratic institutions, a form of reason in practice (Gaete 1991, 149). An important change that stemmed from modernism and the Enlightenment was the acceptance of human rights as ethical truths. The statement, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations (United Nations 1948) was offered as a universal truth that would provide social order based on the objective reasoning suggested by modernism (Gaete 1991, 149). For example, from this claim, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could uphold that “The will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be universal and equal in suffrage…” (United Nations 1948). From the acceptance of the initial statement of objective rights as a universal truth, equal political participation and voting rights could be theoretically promised.

The postmodern response to modernism reflects a difference in attitude, but does not imply that postmodernism will supersede modernism. In this way, postmodern thinking offers a critique of reason (Woods 1999, 9). According to Sabina Lovibond, “Postmodernism… rejects the doctrine of the unity of reason. It refuses to conceive of humanity as a unitary subject striving towards the goal of perfect coherence (in its common stock of beliefs) or of perfect cohesion and stability (in its political practice)” (Lovibond 1990). Modernism relies on metanarratives, an overarching pattern and interpretation of society, while postmodernism rejects this idea of an “all-encompassing rationality” (Woods 1990, 10).

There are two relevant points to consider regarding postmodernism in relation to voting rights. First off, postmodernists are largely opposed to the hierarchical structure of government and tend to question their trust in institutionalized government (Green & Roberts 2012, 85). Philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard who helped to formulate postmodernism suggests that postmodernists are suspicious of political narratives. Examples of such narratives include the idea of progress that is associated with the Enlightenment and ‘social liberation’ associated with Marxism. Lyotard refers to these types of narratives as “violent” and “tyrannical” for attempting to impose a universal pattern on human experience and knowledge. Instead, Lyotard believes knowledge can only be understood as partial and nonexclusive. According to Lyotard, “Scientists, technicians, and instruments are purchased not to find truth, but to augment power” (Lyotard 1997, 46). Postmodernists are opposed to this type of hierarchical structure, suggesting that older proponents of modernism were “being blind to the destructive and oppressive nature of all totalising ideologies” (Arslan 1999, 205). In terms of voting rights, this ‘totalising ideology’ may be the claim that voting rights provide the best method of citizen political participation. Postmodernists would instead suggest that the human experience is constantly changing and developing, so this ‘totalising ideology’ may not be all inclusive. While they may be in favor of voting rights in practice, they would reject the idea of voting rights and human rights as universal truths, suggesting that successful political commitments are not necessarily the result of institutional calls to universal truths, but rather of continued innovation (Woods 1999, 13).

The second point to consider with regard to voting rights is that postmodernists believe that the marginalized should be accounted for. Postmodernists suggest that meaning is constantly evolving and is contingent on situational factors and dependent on the interpreter. For the individual, postmodernism means liberation from fixed identities. Postmodernists do not believe that metanarratives can describe each individual, but rather believe that identity can be diverse despite sharing a common situation (Woods 1990, 44). They argue, “There must be an attempt to recoup the power of the individual to tell his or her narrative; that is, anti-foundationalism in this guise becomes the access to the control of one’s own politics” (Woods 1999, 21). One way to afford power to the individual may be by means of voting rights for all in order to provide representation for those who are otherwise marginalized and to account for the diverse individual human experience. Postmodernists do not think that minorities and all individuals are correctly represented by political metanarratives, and therefore, they would support representation for all by means of voting as a way to avoid the miscategorization of individuals into metanarratives. In fact, the feminist movement is an example of this type of resistance to popular culture, which has contributed to the spread of postmodernism (Woods 1999, 170).

===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===

Natural Law:

Perceptions of voting as a right under natural law theory have evolved over time. In early natural law theory, the right to vote was not explicitly considered a necessary component of the fundamental goods on which rights and law are founded. Notably, suffrage was not an intrinsic element of Aquinas’s or philosopher John Finnis’s seven fundamental goods–“life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, friendship, practical reasonableness, and religion” (Britannica). While Aquinas posited that “the supreme power belongs to the multitude as a whole, or to that one who represents the multitude,” he never emphasized the importance of expressing the power of the multitude through voting, specifically (Shepard 1913, 114). Additionally in the Second Treatise of Government, John Locke finds that, while natural law and reason compel humans beings to create civil governments to protect their property and grant powers to sovereign individuals and institutions as a “common superior on earth to appeal to for relief,” widely-recognized suffrage is not a natural prerequisite for this tendency (Locke 1689, 15).

Over time, however, suffrage has received more consideration as intrinsic to natural law. Walter James Shepard describes this shift as part of the “theory of the early constitutional regime,” which moved beyond feudal interpretations of political representation and brought about the notion “that voting is an abstract right, founded in natural law, a consequence of the social compact, and an incident of popular sovereignty” (Shepard 1913, 108). The American Civil Rights Movement also brought about more explicit connections between the right to vote and natural law theory. Martin Luther King Jr., widely considered to have based his political philosophy on the tenets of natural law, often rhetorically framed the right to vote as part of the “eternal moral issue” of the Civil Rights Movement, stating that “the denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic tradition” (King 1957). King’s commentary on de facto denial of African Americans’ right to vote echoes later writings by King that more explicitly outline the natural law tradition: “A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law” (King 1963).

Legal Positivism:

Legal positivist interpretations of suffrage prioritize the systems that define, carry out, and protect suffrage and the voting process. Unlike natural law, the right to vote is not intimately connected or not connected to the pursuit of human goodness. Instead, it is a product of positive norms in a given society, and can be codified as a right as long as society and its legislators view it as something worth protecting. According to legal positivist H.L.A. Hart, the right to vote constitutes a “secondary rule”–a rule that regulates how laws in the conventional sense are “ascertained, introduced, eliminated” and enforced (Hart 1961, 92). Whereas “primary rules” control individual action such as speed limits, environmental regulations, or criminal law, the right to vote as a secondary rule regulates the process by which primary rules are created by incorporating some level of public input on who makes the law. Positivist Jeremy Waldron emphasizes the necessity of governmental and legal systems for suffrage, stating that “one has the right to vote only if one’s vote is counted and given effect in a system of collective decision that determines policy, leadership and authority” (Waldron 1999, 233). While positivists emphasize the importance of systems in the creation and validation of voting rights, voting as a right can also be conferred “as criteria of legal validity” in “conformity with moral principles or substantive values” (Hart 1961, 250). Waldron’s discussion of the inherent connection between individuals and the legal systems that dictate large parts of their lives serves as a positivist articulation of voting as a right: “since it is my duties (among others’) whose performance the state is orchestrating, I have a right to a say in the decision-mechanisms which control their orchestration” (Waldron 1998, 310).

Critical Legal Theory:

Some critical legal theorists maintain critiques against rights-based legal philosophies and methodologies altogether, including voting rights. These critiques include notions that rights-based legal thought “produces a kind of isolated individualism that hinders social solidarity and genuine human connection,” that “the use of rights discourse stunts human imagination and mystifies people about how law really works,” and that “legal rights are in fact indeterminate and incoherent” (Harvard). Drawing on historical precedent, critical legal theorists such as Robert Gordon argue that overreliance on rights-based legal strategy can make modest social gains for individuals, but simultaneously impose a limit on the extent to which individuals can make use of such rights and push back against entrenched power structures. Similarly, Cass Sunstein argues that the right to vote is not meaningfully enforced in the United States due to its strict limitation to the public sector:

“The legal system purports to promote democracy through protecting the right to vote
and the traditional freedom of expression; but those rights do not allow for democracy in the private sector, where critical decisions are also made. By safeguarding rights in the public arena and ignoring the private sphere, the legal system has eroded rather than promoted democracy” (Sunstein 1983, 128).

Under this framework, limiting suffrage to a matter of individual rights imposes unnecessary restrictions on when and where it can be enforced.

Not all critical legal theorists agree with the rejection of rights-based frameworks for suffrage. Critical race theorists such as Kimberle Crenshaw believe that “rights can be defended and reconstructed; the critique of rights neglects the historical potential of rights in the real lives of people of color and women” (Harvard). Framing voting as a right can also empower marginalized groups and mobilize individuals to push back against the existing legal status quo:

“The vast majority are able to sustain a ‘dual consciousness’ – recognizing and capitalizing on the revolutionary potential of legal rights while remaining skeptical of the overall social and political order in which rights are currently embedded” (Harvard). While there is broad consensus in critical legal theory that existing legal systems favor historically dominant hierarchies and do not equally protect all citizens’ ability to vote, there is ongoing debate as to whether framing the issue as a matter of voting “rights” is the best course of action.

==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
For several decades, the right to vote has been widely recognized as fundamental to fair, participatory government by a wide variety of international organizations and individual nations. The most prominent example comes from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, which recognized that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity...to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors” (UN General Assembly 1966). Regional organizations such as the OAS, OSCE, EU, and African Union also hold provisions emphasizing the importance of maintaining equal access to voting among their member nations (University of Minnesota, 2003). In addition to international decrees and declarations identifying the importance of suffrage, international election monitoring and observation bodies exist around the world to protect citizens’ ability to vote and analyze countries’ electoral processes. There is strong global consensus that voting rights ought to be protected and are an essential element of successful representative democracies.

In an American context, the United States Constitution explicitly protects citizens’ right to vote in Section II of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment, Nineteenth Amendment, and Twenty-Fourth Amendment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its subsequent amendments also describe the right to vote as an “inherent constitutional right” (H.R. 4249, 91st Congress 1970). Additionally, prominent Supreme Court cases concerning voting rights such as, Reynolds v. Sims (1964), Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections (1966), and Kramer v. Union Free School District (1969) convey the fundamental nature of suffrage, pushing back against previous interpretations by the Court in Minor v. Happersett (1875) that “the Constitution...does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one” (Supreme Court of the US 1875) and even older perceptions of voting as a privilege that had to be earned through societal metrics such as property ownership (Behrens 2004, 232). In Reynolds, the Court established that:

"Undoubtedly, the right of suffrage is a fundamental matter in a free and democratic society.
Especially since the right to exercise the franchise in a free and unimpaired manner is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized."

Harper concerned the constitutionality of poll taxes, and the Court reasoned that “wealth or fee paying has, in our view, no relation to voting qualifications; the right to vote is too precious, too fundamental to be so burdened or conditioned” (Supreme Court of the US 1966). Kramer similarly outlined that “any unjustified discrimination in determining who may participate in political affairs or in the selection of public officials undermines the legitimacy of representative government” (Supreme Court of the US 1969).
Both majority opinions in Reynolds and Harper also relied upon previous rationale established in Yick Wo v. Hopkins (1886) that “though not regarded strictly as a natural right, but as a privilege merely conceded by society according to its will, under certain conditions, nevertheless [the right to vote] is regarded as a fundamental political right, because preservative of all rights” (Supreme Court of the US 1886).

In spite of these general beliefs legal precedent, certain members of society are still excluded from this fundamental right for reasons that are widely debated. Citizenship, for example, is often a requirement for suffrage. However, some countries, including certain local governments in the United States, allow noncitizens to vote in local elections after they have met certain residency requirements (Earnest). Felons are also often restricted from voting. In most countries with restrictions on felon voting, these penalties only take place when individuals are serving their prison sentence. In the United States, however, felon voting policy, like nearly all electoral policy, is a state decision, and half of all states prohibit felons from voting until the completion of parole and probation, including nine states that prohibit it even after parole and probation (ProCon). Restrictive felon voting policies are indicative to some experts that the United States has “failed to give the right to vote its true status as a fundamental right” (Behrens 275).

In addition to the explicit prohibition of certain individuals from voting, unequal access to voting precincts and absentee drop-off locations as well as reduced voting hours and early voting periods also undermine the extent to which voting rights are protected around the world. Beyond restrictions of where citizens can vote, more explicit voter intimidation and election-related violence are employed even in countries that have signed on to international agreements outlining the importance of voting rights. Partisan gerrymandering, which the Supreme Court has defined as federally “nonjusticiable” in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), also dilutes the impact of certain citizens’ votes, undermining their ability to meaningfully exercise suffrage (Supreme Court of the US 2019).

Additionally, policies implemented to address voter fraud such as voter identification can also limit overall voting access. Critics of voter identification argue that requiring an often-times narrow list of permissible forms of identification puts an undue burden on citizens who are less likely to possess valid identification and constitute a more discrete form of a “poll tax” (Nackenoff). Voter ID cases are often analyzed on a case-by-case basis, as outlined in Crawford v. Marion County (2008), with states’ individual histories of voting discrimination, prevalence of voter fraud–or in many cases “perceptions” of fraud or a lack of “voter confidence”–and evidence indicating deliberate discriminatory intent all playing a role in determining whether or not voter identification satisfies a legitimate government interest (Tokaji).

===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

''Electoral Rights and Europe''

Being a part of the European Union, a citizen of a European country has electoral power in European, national, regional, and municipal levels, though that can bring confusion as to whether or not a European citizen can participate in all of the elections of a particular EU country. EU citizens can vote for European Parliament and municipal elections in any EU country that they live in, though they cannot vote in elections for national parliament nor in regional elections ('Flash Eurobarometer 485 - European Union Citizenship and Democracy', 2020, p. 3).

According to the Flash Eurobarometer 485 of July 2020, 71% European citizens were aware that a citizen of the EU that lives in their country has the right to vote for European Parliament (p. 5). 53% correctly stated that it is false that EU citizens living in their country can vote for national elections. A similar fifty percent split was found with European citizen’s belief of whether other EU citizens not from their country could vote for municipal and regional elections (p. 5).

This data implies that most Europeans recognize their own and others’ right to vote, and that their voting is done in conjunction with European voters from different countries and cultures. This creates an experience of voting that is decidedly international, both in the power that a European has with their vote and also the effects they feel from the votes of others. Voting power is much more expansive than just their own locality, and is instead affecting a much larger trans-national federation.

Later in the report, it shows that 63% of Europeans believe that a citizen of the US is justified in having the right to vote in the national elections of the country that the foreign citizen resides in (p. 6). The countries with the highest number of citizens who thought it justified was Ireland with 77% and Portugal with 74%. The lowest was Denmark with 40% and Sweden with 35%.

With the countries with more citizens that believe it is justified like Portugal and Ireland, the data implies that the right to vote should be expansive and farther reaching, with less importance placed on nationality and more on where someone lives. Moreover, the citizen’s desire for a wider net of participation implies an experience of voting that is too restricted, and far away from being universal.

With countries on the lower end with citizens that believe it to not be justified like Denmark and Sweden, the data implies that their conception of the right to vote is one that should be kept close with the ethnic and cultural natives of the country. The electoral net is too wide, and there would be a greater benefit if voting access were to be restrained and more controlled. This is further supported by the report later on which states that 49% of Danes and 56% of Swedes (the highest percentage) believe that European citizens should only vote in their country of origin (p. 21).

''Encouraging Others to Vote''

The World Values Survey in their 2020 report asked more than 70,000 citizens from 50 countries about what political activism they would consider taking, particularly whether they would encourage others they know to vote in an election.
The results:
* 22% said they have encouraged others to vote
* 26% said they might encourage others to vote
* 48% said they would never encourage others to vote ('World Values Survey Wave 7', 2017, p. 333).
The countries with the highest percentage of those that have encouraged others were Germany with 64%, the United States with 63%, and New Zealand with 62%. The countries with the highest percentage of those that would never encourage others were Myanmar with 79%, Ethiopia and Kyrgyzstan with 76%, and Jordan with 69% (p. 333).

For the countries like Germany and New Zealand with a high percentage of vote encouragers, the act of voting is likely experienced as an important, effective, and social phenomenon where political accomplishments can be reached if there is enough support. Voting is a statement made about the beliefs a citizen has over the contemporary political process, and pride is taken in its expression and public participation. The right to vote is something citizens should both have and take advantage of.

For the countries like Myanmar and Ethiopia with a high percentage of “never encourage” voters, their experience of voting is likely one where voting is unimportant and ineffective, and as a result is either a private or non-existent affair. Likely, the experience of voting is one of pessimism and disillusionment. The political goals of the public are not taken into account and the act of voting is political theater. On the other hand, it is possible also that voting is actively discouraged in these countries in order to uphold the current status quo, and in that case the right to vote is seen as a threat to established power.

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===

Source/Voting Rights and Suffrage

2021-08-13T20:23:41Z

Jere: /* Ancient Chinese Philosophy */

==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
Multiple 5th-Century BC sources outline the importance of citizen voting to early Athenian democracy. Thucydides’s The History of the Peloponnesian War includes several allusions to the importance of citizen participation in democracy. The first instance comes in Chapter VI, the funeral oration of Pericles:

"Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to
others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy…instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all." (Thucydides, VI)

The description of participatory democracy as “indispensable” evokes an importance that moves beyond simply advocating for the benefits of democracy. Rather, it implies an intrinsic importance that more closely mirrors that of a political right. The early political foundations of democracy appear again in Chapter XIX during a speech from Athenagoras:

"It will be said, perhaps, that democracy is neither wise nor equitable, but that the holders of property are also the best fitted to rule. I say, on the contrary, first, that the word demos, or people, includes the whole state, oligarchy only a part; next, that if the best guardians of property are the rich, and the best counsellors the wise, none can hear and decide so well as the many; and that all these talents, severally and collectively, have their just place in a democracy." (Thucydides, XIX)

Aristotle also outlines the inner workings of early Athenian democracy after the reforms of Solon and includes several allusions to the intrinsic importance of suffrage in The Constitution of the Athenians, most likely written between 328 and 322 BC. In his discussion of the importance of individuals’ right to appeal grievances in Athenian court, Aristotle states that “when the democracy is master of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution,” and that “the masses have owed their strength” to Athens’s democratic institutions (Avalon Project). While there is no explicit mention of suffrage as a “right” per se, Aristotle’s emphasis on “voting-power” as a fundamental element of Athenian civil society serves as one of the older examples of voting as a “right.” However, it is important to note that voting in Ancient Athens, while highly valued and perceived as a right for some, was not universal, and only free adult men, whose parents were also Athenian, were granted the right to vote. Athenian democracy was also significantly more participatory and direct than contemporary democratic institutions, as all adult Athenian men were compelled to serve in local governmental assemblies where they would then vote on decrees and other forms of legislation (Blackwell).

While there is not much explicitly-written, primary evidence for the existence of voting rights before the Athenians, previous forms of government that predate democracy also played important roles in the conception of suffrage as a right, particularly in Mesopotamia. For example, “when Mesopotamian elders were unable to agree” on governmental decisions, “they opened their assembly to junior aristocrats and commoners” (Schemeil 104). Additionally, Assyrian merchant colonies’ judicial systems were “not vested in any one individual but resided in a general assembly of all colonists” and were called at the discretion of senior colonists (Jacobsen 161). Early conceptions of proto-democratic political institutions from all parts of the world often arose out of the need to maintain peace and political stability after prolonged conflict between various sects and social groups.

===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====
The earliest Afghan constitution was written during the reign of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in the 1890s followed by the 1923 version. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan turned Afghanistan into a modern democracy, and the right to vote was established in Article 46. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan granted women equal rights including universal suffrage and the right to run for office (University of Nebraska, "Constitution of Afghanistan").

====Albania====
Article 45 of the Republic of Albania’s 1998 Constitution guarantees the right to vote to the People of Albania so they can exercise their power through their elected representatives in the Parliament (Berhani, I. "Elections and Implementation of the Law of Elections in Albania").

====Algeria====
Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 and a new Constitution was passed the following year. In the 1989 Constitution under Article 62, all people meeting the legal requirements have the right to vote and to be elected (Constitute Project, "Algeria 1989").

====Andorra====
Article 24 of the 1993 Constitution states that all citizens of age and in full use of their rights are guaranteed suffrage (Constitute Project, "Andorra 1993").

====Angola====
The constitution of 1975 established a one-party state headed by a president who was also chairman of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), which declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party in 1977. Under Article 54 of the Angolan Constitution every citizen of age has the right to vote (Britannica, "Angola").

====Antigua and Barbuda====
Universal suffrage was introduced in Antigua and Barbuda in 1951 (National Encyclopedia, "Antigua and Barbuda- Politics, government, and taxation").

====Argentina====
In 1983, Argentina returned to democracy after almost eight years of authoritarian rule. In April 1994 elections were held to form a Constituent Assembly because of the provisions made to the 1853 Constitution. Under the new Constitution the president is directly elected for a four-year term by universal adult suffrage (ACE Project, “Electoral Systems- Argentina").

====Armenia====
Article 48 of the 1995 Constitution grants the people the right to vote and the right to participate in a referendum (Constitute Project, "Armenia’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2015").

====Australia====
In the 1850s under the Constitutions of Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia, Aboriginal men had the same right to vote as other male British subjects aged over 21. The first federal electoral Act, the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, granted men and women of all states the right to vote (National Museum Australia, “Australians’ right to vote”).

====Austria====
In Austria, universal suffrage for men was introduced by the Voting Rights Act of 1907 and the country was one of the first in Europe to introduce women’s suffrage in 1918 (Metropole, “Your Right to Vote in Austria”).

====Azerbaijan====
Section 3 of the Constitution of Azerbaijan established the major rights and freedoms of citizens of Azerbaijan, including human rights, property rights, equality rights, the right to vote and freedom of speech. According to the Law passed in the parliament, in 1919, Azerbaijan all citizens of the Republic who had reached the age of 20 were granted voting rights (Azerbaijan, “Interesting Facts”).

====The Bahamas====
The Bahamas Parliamentary Elections Act of 1992 specifies the registration of voters, how the electoral broadcasting council shall conduct its work, how elections are performed and how nominations are seeked (Political Database of the Americas, “Bahamas: Parliamentary Elections Act, 1992”).

====Bahrain====
Under Chapter I, Article 1 of the 2002 Constitution all citizens are able to participate in public affairs and political rights such as voting (Constitute Project, "Bahrain's Constitution of 2002").

====Bangladesh====
The Constitution of 1972, under section VII, states the Qualifications for registration as voter and grants the right to people who are eligible to vote (Laws of Bangladesh, “The Constitution of the People‌‌‍’s Republic of Bangladesh”).

====Barbados====
Barbados Independence Order of 1966 and the Constitution of Barbados established the right to vote for all citizens (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Barbados”).

====Belarus====
Article 38 of the 1994 Constitution of the Republic of Belarus states that citizens have the right to vote freely and officials must be elected through a secret ballot (Constitute Project, Belarus's Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2004).

====Belgium====
Beglain citizens are automatically registered on the electoral rolls when reaching the age of 18 and are subject to compulsory voting under Article 62 of the Belgian Constitution (Legislationline, “The Belgian Constitution”).

====Belize====
The 31 members of the House of Representatives are directly elected to five-year terms and the Senate has 12 seats. The ruling party, the opposition, and several civil associations select the senators, who are then appointed by the governor general. (Freedom House, “Belize”).

====Benin====
The president is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms and Delegates to the 83-member, unicameral National Assembly serve four-year terms and are elected by proportional representation. The April 2019 legislative elections were not free or fair, as the implementation of new electoral rules effectively prevented all opposition parties from participating (Freedom House, “Benin”).

====Bhutan====
The Constitution provides for a bicameral Parliament, with a 25-seat upper house, the National Council, and a 47-seat lower house, the National Assembly. Members of both houses serve five-year terms. The king appoints five members of the nonpartisan National Council, and the remaining 20 are popularly elected as independents, while the National Assembly is entirely elected (Freedom House, “Bhutan”).

====Bolivia====
Section 2 Article 26 of the Constitution grants the right for universal suffrage for all people (Constitute Project, “Bolivia’'s Constitution of 2009”).

====Bosnia and Herzegovina====
In accordance with Article II 1, Article IV 1.2 and 4.a and the Article V 1.a of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Article V of the Annex 3 of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Election Law Of Bosnia And Herzegovina was developed in 2001 to promote free and fair elections (Legislationline, “Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina”).

====Botswana====
Botswana has a unicameral, 65-seat National Assembly. Voters directly elect 57 members to five-year terms, while 6 members are nominated by the president and approved by the National Assembly (Freedom House, “Botswana”).

====Brazil====
Chapter IV, Political Rights, Article 14 of the Brazilian Constitution grants universal suffrage with compulsory voting to those over the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Brazil's Constitution of 1988 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Brunei====
The unicameral Legislative Council has no political standing independent of the sultan, who appoints most members. Brunei has not held direct legislative elections since 1962 (Freedom House, "Brunei").

====Bulgaria====
Under the 1991 Constitution Article 42, every citizen above the age of 18 is free to participate in elections of state and local authorities and in referendums (Constitute Project, "Bulgaria's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015").

====Burkina Faso====
Under Article 33 of Title II in the Constitution of Burkina Faso, suffrage is direct or indirect and is universal, equal and secret (Constitute Project, “Burkina Faso's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Burundi====
Under Article 8 of Title I, of The State and of The Sovereignty of The People, all Brudians are granted universal suffrage if they are 18 years of age (Constitute Project, “Burundi's Constitution of 2005”).

====Cambodia====
Khmer citizens 18 years or older are granted the right to vote through universal suffrage under Article 34 of the Constitution (Constitute Project, “Cambodia's Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Cameroon====
Under Part I, The State and Sovereignty, Article 2 of the Cameroon Constitution, voting is equal, secret and by universal suffrage. It is granted to every citizen 20 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Cameroon's Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Canada====
In 1876, only men who were 21 years of age or older, and who owned property were able to vote in federal elections. In 1918 Canadian women were given the right to vote in federal elections if they met the same eligibility criteria as men. The 1982 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms affirms the right of every Canadian citizen to vote and to stand as a candidate (Elections Canada, “A Brief History of Federal Voting Rights in Canada”).

====Cape Verde====
Under Chapter II, Rights, Liberties and Guarantees in Political Participation, Article 54 of the Cape Verde Constitution all citizens at least 18 years of age have the right to vote and participate in political life directly and through freely elected representatives (Constitute Project, “Cape Verde's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Central African Republic====
The Constitution of the Central African Republic states under Title II, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 19 that universal suffrage may be direct or indirect as every citizen over 18 has a duty to vote (Constitute Project, “Central African Republic's Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Chad====
Universal suffrage is granted directly or indirectly and is equal and secret for those 18 years of age or older under Title I, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6 of the Constitution of Chad (Constitute Project, “Chad's Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Chile====
The Constitution of Chile, Chapter II, Nationality and Citizenship, Article 13 grants Chileans who have reached 18 years of age voting rights. (Constitute Project, “Chile's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2015”).

====China====
Under Chapter II, The Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens, Article 34 all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote and stand for election without discrimination. (Constitute Project, “China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Colombia====
Under Title III, Chapter II, all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote in all elections. In addition, an Act may grant Alien’s who reside in Colombia the right to vote in municipal and district level elections. (Constitute Project, “Colombia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2015”).

====Comoros====
According to Title I, Article 4, suffrage can be indirect or direct and is universal, equal and secret. All Comorians of either sex who are in possession of their civi and political rights may vote as provided for by the statute. (Constitute Project, "Comoros's Constitution of 2001 with Amendments through 2009").

====Democratic Republic of the Congo====
Section II Sovereignty, Article 5 establishes the conditions of organization of the elections and of the referendum. Suffrage is universal, equal, secret and can be direct or indirect. Without prejudice to the provisions of article 70, 102 and 106 all Congolese of both sexes, of 18 years of age, and enjoying their civil and political rights are electors and eligible. (Constitute Project, “Congo (Democratic Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2005 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Republic of the Congo====
Under Title I, Of The State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6, suffrage is direct or indirect and is free, equal and secret. Established by the law all Congolese 18 years of age, enjoying their civil and political rights are electors. (“Congo (Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2015”).

====Costa Rica====
According to Title VIII, Chapter II, all birthright citizens 18 years or older and naturalized citizens, 12 months or greater after naturalization, have the right to suffrage facilities. (Constitute Project, “Costa Rica’s Constitution of 1949 with revisions through 2020).

====Croatia====
Under Title II, Article 45, all birthright citizens 18 years or older, have access to universal, and equal suffrage through secret and direct ballots to determine the Croatian Parliament, President of the Republic of Croatia, and the European Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Croatia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2013).

====Cuba====
Article 205 of Cuba’s Constitution states that voting is the right of all Cuban citizens over the age of 16 unless they have been judicially disqualified to vote. Article 104 states that the National Assembly of the People’s Power is made up of representatives elected via direct, free, and secret elections. Additionally, Article 126 states that the President is elected by similar principles. (Constitute Project, “Cuba’s Constitution of 2019).

====Cyprus====
Under Article 63, Part II, all birthright citizens at the age of 18 years or older are eligible to be electors in either the Greek or Turkish electoral list based on their own nationality. Within each list the elector may vote for their respective representative. (Constitute Project, “Cyprus’ Constitution of 1960 with revisions through 2013).

====Czech Republic====
According to Chapter I, Article 56, all citizens at the age of 18 years or older have a right to direct and universal voting. Under Chapter 2, this voting is done by secret ballot and is based on proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Czech Republic’s Constitution of 1993 with revisions through 2013).

====Denmark====
Under Part 4, all citizens who are permanent residents of Denmark and are at the age of suffrage, which is set by referendum, can vote in Folketing elections. (Constitute Project, “Denmark’s Constitution of 1953).

====Djibouti====
Under Title I, Article V, all Djiboutian nationals of majority have a right to Suffrage regardless of gender. (Constitute Project, “Djibouti’s Constitution of 1992 with revisions through 2010).

====Dominica====
Under Chapter III, Part 1, any resident who is a birthright citizen or naturalized citizen of Dominica and is over the age of 18 has a right to suffrage via a secret and unimposed ballot unless this right has been taken away by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Dominica’s Constitution of 1978 with revisions through 2014).

====Dominican Republic====
Article 208 in the Dominican Republic’s constitution grants the right of universal, direct, free, and secret suffrage to all citizens over the age of 18, with the exceptions of Members of the Armed Forces and individuals whose rights have been revoked by courts. (Constitute Project, “Dominican Republic’s Constitution of 2015).

====East Timor====
Article 47 of the Constitution grants those over the age of 17 the right to vote. Voting constitutes a civic duty and is personal (Constitute Project, “Timor-Leste's Constitution of 2002”).

====Ecuador====
Under Article 62 of the Constitution of Ecuador voting is mandatory for those over the age of 18. Voting is optional for those between the ages of 16-18 and elderly persons 65 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Ecuador's Constitution of 2008”).

====Egypt====
Part II, Rights and Freedoms, Article 55 of the Egyptian Constitution grants universal suffrage and compulsory voting for every Egyptian citizen over 18. If one fails to vote, they can receive a fine or even imprisonment, but a significant percentage of eligible voters do not vote (Constitute Project, “Egypt's Constitution of 2012”).

====El Salvador====
The Constitution of El Salvador grants its citizens political rights under Chapter III, Citizens, Their Political Rights and Duties in The Electoral Body. Article 71 allows those over the age of 18 to vote and Article 72 secures the exercise of suffrage (Constitute Project, “El Salvador's Constitution of 1983 with Amendments through 2014”)

====Equatorial Guinea====
Under the First Title, Fundamental Principles of the State, Article 2 of the Constitution of Equatorial Guinea grants the people with sovereignty to be exercised by way of universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Equatorial Guinea's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Eritrea====
Eritrea is a militarized authoritarian state and there has not been a national election since the independence from Ethiopia in 1993 (Freedom House, “Eritrea”).

====Estonia====
Chapter III, The People, Article 56 allows for the supreme power of state to be exercised by the people through citizens with the right to vote. Article 57 grants the right to vote to those of the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Estonia's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Eswatini====
Under Chapter VII, The Legislature, Section 88, Qualifications as a Voter, a person is qualified to vote if they are of the age of 18 and a citizen or ordinarily resident in Swaziland (Constitute Project, “Eswatini Constitution of 2005”).

====Ethiopia====
Article 38 of the Ethopian Constitution grants every Ethiopian national that is 18 years of age, without any discrimination, to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely chosen representatives through universal and equal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Ethiopia's Constitution of 1994”).

====Fiji====
According to Chapter 3, Parliament, Part B, Composition, Section 55, Voter Qualifications and Registration, of the Constitution of Fiji every citizen who is 18 years of age has the right to be registered as a voter, in the manner and form prescribed by a written law governing elections or registration of voters. (Constitute Project, “Fiji's Constitution of 2013”)

====Finland====
Section 14 of the Finish Constitution grants universal suffrage to every Finnish citizen who has reached 18 years of age and has the right to vote in national elections and referendums (Constitute Project, “Finland's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====France====
Under Article 3 of the French Constitution suffrage may be direct or indirect and will always be universal, equal and secret. (Constitute Project, “France's Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2008”)

====Gabon====
Under Title I, Article 4, Suffrage can be direct or indirect, is universal and secret. Gabonese citizens must be at least 18 years of age to vote. (Constitute Project, “Gabon’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====The Gambia====
According to Chapter 5, Article 39, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in universal elections through a secret ballot to freely elect representatives. (Constitute Project, “Gambia’s (The) Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Georgia====
Under Article 37 and Article 74 of Georgia’s Constitution, citizens have the right to vote in local elections and for members of Parliament in fair and free elections by secret ballots. (Constitute Project, “Georgia’s Constitution of 1995 with revisions through 2018”).

====Germany====
Under Article 37 of Germany’s constitution, every citizen over the age of 18 is allowed to vote in elections. Members of the German Butdestag are elected every four years via free, equal, direct, and secret elections (Constitute Project, “Germany’s Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Ghana====
Under Chapter 7, Article 42, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in public elections and referendum via secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Ghana’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Greece====
Under Section III, Article 51, every citizen who has met the minimum age requirement of 18, is not legally incapactiated, and has not had the right revoked for criminal actions must vote for members of Parliament via direct and secret ballots.(Constitute Project, “Greece’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Grenada====
Under Chapter III, Part I, any citizen who is 18 years of age or older may vote for his/her district representative for the House of Representatives unless that right has been legally revoked by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Grenada’s Constitution of 1973, Reinstated in 1991 and with Amendments through 1992”).

====Guatemala====
Under Chapter II, any citizen, by definition over 18 years of age, has the freedom of suffrage. Citizens may cast secret ballots to elect the Congress of the Republic, President, and Vice-President. (Consitute Project, “Guatemala’s Constitution of 1985 with Amendments through 1993”).

====Guinea====
Under Guinea’s Constitution, the President and members of the legislature are elected via free, equal, direct, and secret elections. All citizens are allowed to vote as long as they are over 18 and meet citizenship requirements. (Constitute Project, “Guinea’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Guinea-Bissau====
According to Section II, Article 63, The President of the Republic is elected through universal, secret suffrage of the electing citizens. Electing citizens must be 18 years or older. (Constitute Project, “Guinea-Bissau’s Constitution of 1984 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Guyana====
According to Title II, persons 18 years or upwards and either a citizen of Guyana or a commonwealth citizen who has also been a Guyana resident for 1 year may vote in elections for Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Haiti====
Under Article 17, Haitians 21 years or older may participate in universal voting regardless of sex or marital status. (Constitute Project, “Haitian Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Honduras====
According to Article 5, voting is seen as a public duty. All Honduras citizens, by definition over the age of 18, are obligated to vote in universal, egalitarian, direct, free, and secret elections. (Constitute Project, “Honduras’ Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Hungary====
Under Articles 2 and 35, members of the National Assembly and of Local government are elected via fair and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Hungry’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Iceland====
Under Article 33, all Icelandic citizens of the age of 18 or older have the right to vote in Althingi. Permanent naturalized Icelandic citizens is a requirement for non-birthright persons who wish to vote. Under Article 5, such persons may also vote for president. (Constitute Project, “Iceland’s Constitution of 1944 with Amendments through 2013”).

====India====
Article 326 of the Constitution provides that the elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage. The Constitution Act of 1988, the Sixty-first Amendment changed the age of voting to 18 (Government of India, “The Constitution (Sixty-first Amendment) Act, 1988”).

====Indonesia====
Citizens of Indonesia vote for members of the People’s Representative Council as long as they are over 17 and have a valid voter ID card. (Constitute Project, “Indonesia’s Constitution of 1945, reinstated in 1959 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Iran====
Under Article 62, the Islamaic Consultative Assembly is elected directly by the people through a secret ballot. Eligible voters must either be birthright citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran or naturalized citizens and of an age dictated by referendums and law. Under Article 6, the President and referendums must also be voted on by the public. (Constitute Project, “Iran’s (Islamic Republic of) Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1989”).

====Iraq====
In Article 20, the Iraqi Constitution states that all citizens shall have the right to vote, elect, and run for office. The voting age in Iraq is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005”).

====Republic of Ireland====
Under Article 16, all Irish citizens over the age of 18 have the right to universal elections of the Dáil Éireann. Under Article 12, all Irish citizens who have the right to vote for the Dáil Éireann have the right to vote for the President through Single Transferable Vote elections. (Constitute Project, “Ireland’s Constitution of 1937 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Israel====
Under Article 5, all Israeli Nationals over the age of 18 have the right to vote in elections to the Knesset, unless a court has deprived them of that right. (Constitute Project, “Israel’s Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Italy====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Ivory Coast====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Jamaica====
According to Article 37, any Jamaican citizen 21 years or older may be an elector in elections for the House of Representatives. Any naturalized citizen may also vote in elections for the House of Representatives as long as they have been naturalized for at least 12 months prior to registering to vote. (Constitute Project, “Jamaica’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Japan====
According to Article 15, Japanese citizens have an inalienable right to elect their public officials, both local and to the house of representatives. Universal adult suffrage is guaranteed to all citizens above an age set by referendum. (Constitute Project, “Japan’s Constitution of 1946 with Amendments”).

====Jordan====
According to Article 67, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected by general, secret and direct elections by the citizens of Jordan which will be defined by law. (Constitute Project, “Jordan’s Constitution of 1952 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kazakhstan====
According to Article 86, local representatives shall be elected by the of-age population through universal, secret suffrage for a five year term. In addition, under Article 41, the President of the Republic shall also be elected by the of-age population through universal suffrage via a secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Kenya====
Under Article 38, every citizen has the right to free and fair elections based on universal suffrage. Every citizen over the age of 18 can register as a voter, vote by secret ballot or in a referendum, and run for elected office. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Kiribati====
Under Article 64, every citizen of Kiribati who is over 18 and is a resident of one of the electoral districts established by the Kiribati constitution is entitled to be an elector in the district in which he is a resident. The person may then vote for his representative in the Maneaba ni Maungatabu. (Constitute Project, “Kiribati’s Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Kuwait====
Under Article 87, citizens have a right to elect members of The National Assembly every 4 years or if the Emir calls for a special election after dissolving The National Assembly. (Constitute Project, “Kuwait’s Constitution of 1979, reinstated in 1992”).

====Kyrgyzstan====
Under Article 2, all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by equal and direct elections with secret ballots. Citizens vote for the President of the country and members of the Jogorku Kenesh. (Constitute Project, “Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution of 2010, with Amendments through 2016”)

====Laos====
Under Article 4, members of the National Assembly and the Local People’s Assemblies are voted into office via equal and direct voting with secret ballots. The voting age in Laos is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, Laos’s Constitution of 1991, with Amendments through 2015)

====Latvia====
Under Chapter II, Article 6, The Saeima shall be elected in general, equal, and direct elections and by secret ballot through proportional representation by Latvian citizens over 18 years of age. Citizens who are eligible to vote for The Saeima are also eligible to vote in national referendums according to Chapter III, Article 80 of the Latvian Constitution. (Constitute Project, “Latvia’s Constitution of 1992, reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 2016”).

====Lebanon====
Under Article 21, every Lebanese citizen twenty-one years or older has the right to vote in public elections. Elections elect members to the Board of Deputies. (Constitute Project, Lebanon’s Constitution of 1926 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Lesotho====
Under Article 57, Citizens of Lesotho who are 18 years of age or older and reside in Lesotho may vote in elections to The National Assembly, which is the first chamber of the Lesotho government. (Constitute Project, “Lesotho’ Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Liberia====
Under Article 83, Citizens of Liberia may vote for the President, Vice-President, members of the Senate, members of The House of Representatives, and referendum once they meet the legal adult age as dictated by law. (Constitute Project, Liberia’s Constitution of 1986”).

====Libya====
Under Article 18, The National Transitional Council is the electoral body responsible for electing the President of Libya. This council consists of members of the local councils throughout the country. (Constitute Project, Libya’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Liechtenstein====
According to Article 46, Parliament shall consist of 25 publicly selected representatives that will be elected through secret, universal, and direct suffrage by Liechtenstein citizens over the age set by law. (Constitute Project, “Liechtenstein’s Constitution of 1921 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Lithuania====
According to Article 78, any citizen who has reached the age of 18 by election day has a right to vote in public, direct, and secret elections for the President of the Republic. Under Article 34, those who are eligible to vote for the President of the Republic may also participate in the elections of the Seimas. (Constitute Project, “Lithuania’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Luxembourg====
Under Article 32bis, The Deputies of the Chamber of Deputies are elected by universal suffrage following the rules of proportional representation. Any Luxembourg citizen of the age of 18 or older is eligible to vote in these elections according to Article 52. (Constitute Project, “Luxembourg’s Constitution of 1868 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Madagascar====
Under Article 5, Madagascar’s Constitution grants universal suffrage via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Madagascar is 18 years old. Additionally, Article 45 states that the President of the Republic is voted into office every 5 years by universal direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Madagascar's Constitution of 2010 ”).

====Malawi====
Under Article 77, an eligible voter must be a citizen of Malawi or a Malawi resident of at least 7 years, 18 years of age or older, and a resident of the constituency of which they are trying to vote. If all of these are true, the voter may participate in general elections, by-elections, presidential elections, local government elections, and referendums. (Constitute Project, “Malawi’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Malaysia====
Under Article 119, every citizen of Malaysia who is the age of 21 years or older, is a resident in a constituency, and is registered as an elector in the constituency in which he/she resides is eligible to vote in elections to the House of Representatives or the Legislative Assembly. (Constitute Project, “ Malaysia’s Constitution of 1957 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Maldives====
According to Article 26, every citizen over the age of 18 has the right to vote in elections and public referendums via secret ballots and run for office in the Maldives. According to Article 10, the President is elected by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Maldives’s Constitution of 2008 ”).

====Mali====
According to Article 27, suffrage is granted to all citizens of Mali over the age of 18 to participate in universal, equal, and secret elections. The President of Mali is elected every 5 years by an absolute majority of votes. Additionally, under Article 61, the Deputies are elected every 5 years via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Mali’s Constitution of 1992 ”).

====Malta====
According to Article 57, a citizen of Malta over the age of 18 and currently residing in Malta may vote in secret elections via transferable voting. These public elections are used to determine the members of the House of Representatives through proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Malta’s Constitution of 1964 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Marshall Islands====
According to Section 3, elections of the members of Nitijela shall be conducted via a secret ballot system based on universal suffrage of those who have attained the age of 18 years or greater unless they are certified insane or are currently serving time for a felony. (Constitute Project, “Marshall Islands’ Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1995”).

====Mauritania====
Under Article 3, suffrage, both indirect and direct, must be universal, equal, and secret and is a right provided to everyone who has met the legal age requirement regardless of gender. Article 26 states that The President is elected by universal suffrage. Under Article 47, the Deputies to the National Assembly are elected via direct suffrage, however the senators are elected via indirect suffrage in order to represent the all territories of The Republic. (Constitute Project, “Mauritania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Mauritius====
Under Article 42, a person may be an elector if they are a citizen of at least 18 years of age and reside in the constituency in which they wish to vote. Electors shall elect members of The Parliament of Mauritius which consists of 70 members and elects the President. (Constitute Project, “Mauritius’ Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Mexico====
Under Article 52, Mexicans of 18 years of age or older may participate in public elections. The House of Representatives shall be elected 1/3rd through uninominal voting and 2/3rds through proportional representation. All 128 senators shall be elected via majority voting by their own state. Under Article 41, elections of the legislative branch and executive branch shall be free, authentic, and periodical through universal and direct voting. (Constitute Project, “Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Federated States of Micronesia====
Under Article VI, a citizen of 18 years of age or greater may vote in secret national elections to the Senate. Law shall determine the length of time one must be a resident to register to vote. Conviction of a crime and insanity remove ones ability to vote. (Constitute Project, “Micronesia’s (Federal States of) Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 1990”).

====Moldova====
Under Article 38, all citizens who have attained 18 years of age have a right to suffrage unless prevented by law. Article 61 states that elections for the Parliament shall be elected by universal, direct, equal, secret, and freely expressed suffrage. Under Article 78, the President shall be elected by similarly run elections with a majority needed to become elected. If a majority is not found after the first ballot, a second ballot will be voted upon with the top two candidates to determine the winner. (Constitute Project, “Moldova’s (Republic of) Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Monaco====
According to Article 53, the 24 members of The National Council are elected by direct universal suffrage. Electors are Monegasque citizens, of either gender, who have reached 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Monaco’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Mongolia====
According to Article 21, members of The State Great Hural shall be elected by citizens who are qualified to vote, via universal, free, and direct voting. Under Article 31, each political party in The State Great Hural may provide one nominated presidential candidate which the citizens may vote on. (Constitute Project, “Mongolia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Montenegro====
The Constitution of Montenegro states that citizens (age 18 or older) are entitled to vote in national elections for members of Parliament and for the President. (Constitute Project, “Montenegro’s Constitution of 2007 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Morocco====
Article 2 of Morocco’s Constitution states that representatives are elected by the people via principles of universal and free suffrage. Article 30 expands on the claim to universal suffrage stating that voting is a “personal right and national duty” granted to Moroccan citizens (age 18 and older). (Constitute Project, “Morocco’s Constitution of 2011”).

====Mozambique====
Under Article 73, citizens of Mozambique are granted the right of universal, direct, and equal suffrage by secret ballot. Citizens of Mozambique can vote once they are 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Mozambique’s Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Myanmar====
Article 391 of Myanmar’s Constitution states that citizens at least 18 years old have the right to vote for each Hluttaw of their constituency. The only individuals that are not allowed to vote are those 1) “members of religious orders,” 2) those serving sentences, 3) incompetent individuals, 4) individuals otherwise disqualified by law. (Constitute Project, “Myanmar’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Namibia====
Under Article 17, every citizen of Namibia, who has reached the age of 18, has a right to suffrage. Article 28 states that the President shall be elected under direct, universal, and equal suffrage. The National Assembly, under Article 46, shall be composed of 96 members who are elected by general, direct, and secret ballot. 8 other members shall be appointed by the President. (Constitute Project, “Namibia’s Constitution of 1990 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nauru====
Article 84 states that citizens of Nauru can vote for members of Parliament and for referendums based on the principles of universal suffrage. The voting age in Nauru is 20 years old. (Constitute Project, “Nauru’s Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Nepal====
Under Article 84, any Nepali citizen who has attained the age of 18 years has a right to suffrage. The House of Representatives consists of 165 members to be elected through the post electoral system and 110 elected through a proportional representation electoral system. The National Assembly is voted upon by local elected leaders according to Article 86. According to Article 62, members from The National Assembly and The House of Representatives make up an electoral college to elect the President. (Constitute Project, “ Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kingdom of the Netherlands====
Article 4 of the Dutch Constitution states that every Dutch citizen has the right to elect members of Parliament and run for office, so long as they are over the age of 18. The voting age is set by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “ Kingdom of the Netherland's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2008”).

====New Zealand====
Article 12 of New Zealand’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the electoral rights of voting for members of the House of Representatives by secret ballot and to run to be a member of the House of Representatives. (Constitute Project, “New Zealand’s Constitution of 1852 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nicaragua====
Under Article 2 of Nicaragua’s Constitution, Nicaraguan citizens are granted the right of “sovereign power through their representatives” via equal, direct, universal and secret suffrage. Articles 132, 146, and 178 grant the right for citizens to vote for the President, legislators in the National Assembly, and local officials. (Constitute Project, “ Nicaragua’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Niger====
Article 7 of Niger’s Constitution grants Nigerian citizens over the age of 18 or “emancipated minors'' the right to direct and indirect suffrage via equal, free, and secret ballots. Articles 47 and 84 states that the President and The Deputies are elected via universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Niger’s Constitution of 2010 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Nigeria====
Article 4 of Nigeria’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for members of the House of Assembly. Article 117 states that any citizen over the age of 18 that is registered to vote may do so in these elections. (Constitute Project, “ Nigeria’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====North Korea====
Under Article 6, citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are granted the right of universal, equal and direct suffrage. Citizens over the age of 17 can vote for members of the Supreme People’s Assembly according to Article 89 and the local People’s Assembly under Article 138. (Constitute Project, “ North Korea’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2016”).

====North Macedonia====
Article 22 in the Constitution of North Macedonia grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in universal and direct elections with secret ballots. If a person is “deprived of the right to practice their profession by a court verdict,” they lose their right to vote. Citizens vote for the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia under Article 62 and the President of the Republic under Article 81. (Constitute Project, “North Macedonia (Republic of)'s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Norway====
Article 50 of Norway’s Constitution grants nearly all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote. Citizens residing outside Norway during the election or who “Suffer from a seriously weakened mental state” are subject to the determination of law on whether or not they may vote. (Constitute Project, “Norway's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Oman====
Under Article 58bis 9 of Oman’s Constitution, members of the Majlis Al Shura are elected through direct and secret votes. Citizens of Oman must be 21 or older to vote for these members. (Constitute Project, “ Oman’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Pakistan====
Article 51 states that an individual in Pakistan may vote if they are a citizen, are over the age of 18, are registered to vote, and have a sound mind. Members of the National Assembly are elected via direct and free suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973, reinstated in 2002 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Palau====
Article 7 of the Constitution of Palau grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in National and state elections. The Olbiil Era Kelulau (the legislative body) determines the residency requirements of voting in these elections. (Constitute Project, “Palau’s Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Panama====
Article 135 states that it is the right and duty of all citizens of Panama to vote in their free, universal, direct, and secret elections. The voting age in Panama is 18. Article 150 states that the members of the National Assembly of Panama are voted into office. (Constitute Project, “ Panama’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Papua New Guinea====
Under articles 50 and 126 all citizens over the age of 18 may vote unless they are serving a sentence over 9 months, have been convicted of a crime or have dual citizenship. Voters elect the members of Parliament via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Papua New Guinea’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Paraguay====
Article 118 of Paraguay’s Constitution states that it is the right and duty of citizens to vote in their universal, direct, equal and secret elections. Article 120 states that the voting age is 18 and that Paraguayan citizens living abroad may also vote. (Constitute Project, “ Paraguay’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Peru====
Under articles 111 and 191 the President and the Regional Governors are elected through universal suffrage. The voting age in Peru is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Peru’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2021”).

====Philippines====
Article 5 of the Constitution of the Philippines concerns suffrage, stating that citizens over the age of 18 that have resided in the country for the previous year are entitled to vote. Article 6 states that the members of the Senate, House of Representatives, and the President are elected to office by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Philippines’s Constitution of 1987”).

====Poland====
Article 62 of the Polish Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote for the President and representatives of the Sejm and Senate and participate in referendums. Article 127 states that the President of the Republic is elected by the people every 5 years via universal, direct, and secret voting. (Constitute Project, “ Poland’s Constitution of 1997 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Portugal====
Article 10 states that political power is exercised via universal, direct, and secret suffrage granted to citizens of Portugal (over 18 years of age). Article 121 states that the President of the Republic is elected via universal, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Portugal’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Qatar====
Under article 93 of Qatar’s Constitution the President is elected via secret ballot by the majority of votes from attending members of the Council. Qatar is not a democracy and therefore citizens have not traditionally had the right to vote for political officials. (Constitute Project, “ Qatar’s Constitution of 2003”).

====Romania====
Article 36 of Romania’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 who are mentally sound and have not had voting privileges revoked in court may vote. Articles 62 and 81 state that The Chamber of Deputies and the President are elected via universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Romania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Russia====
Article 81 states that the President is elected every 6 years via universal, equal, and direct suffrage by a secret ballot. The voting age in Russia is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Russia’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Rwanda====
Article 2 grants universal and equal suffrage to all Rwandan citizens via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Rwanda is 18 years old. Article 75 states that the Chamber of Deputies is elected to office via direct universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Rwanda’s Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Saint Kitts and Nevis====
Under article 29 of the Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by secret ballot for the purpose of electing Representatives. Article 38 also grants these same individuals the right to vote in referendums. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Kitts and Nevis’s Constitution of 1983”).

====Saint Lucia====
Article 33 grants citizens (over the age of 18) the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives via universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Lucia’s Constitution of 1978”).

====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====
Under article 27 all citizens who are over the age of 18 and meet proper residence requirements are entitled to vote for representatives based on the principles of universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’s Constitution of 1979”).

====Samoa====
The Constitution of Samoa has little mention of universal and direct suffrage because the Head of State is appointed by the Legislative Assembly. Members of the Legislative Assembly are elected to represent the 41 territorial villages, however the specifics of voter laws and processes are not described. It is known, however, that the voting age is 21. (Constitute Project, “Samoa’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2017”).

====San Marino====
According to Article 7, suffrage is universal, secret, and direct and is granted to all citizens of the country over the legal voting age of 18. (Policing Law, “San Marino’s Constitution of 1974”).

====São Tomé and Príncipe====
Article 58 of the Constitution grants all citizens over the age of18 the right to vote as long as they are competent. Article 78 states that the President of the Republic is elected by universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “São Tomé and Príncipes’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Saudi Arabia====
Citizens of Saudi Arabia do not typically have the consistent and direct right to vote in elections, especially for national offices. Elections have been held intermittently in recent history. (Constitute Project, “Saudi Arabia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Senegal====
Article 3 of Senegal’s Constitution grants Senegalese citizens over the age of 18 the right to direct and indirect suffrage by equal and secret ballot. Articles 26 and 59 state that the President and the representative assembly are elected via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Senegal’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Serbia====
Under article 52 of Serbia’s Constitution all individuals of the proper age (18 years old) and working status are entitled to universal, free, and direct voting by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Serbia’s Constitution of 2006”).

====Seychelles====
Under article 24 of the Constitution of Seychelles all citizens over the age of 18 have the right to be registered as a voter as well as to participate in public affairs and run for office. Both the President and members of the National Assembly are elected into office. (Constitute Project, “Seychelles’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Sierra Leone====
According to article 31 of Sierra Leone’s Constitution, citizens over the age of 18 with a sound mind of the right to register to vote. Article 42 states that the President of Sierra Leone is voted on by these electors. (Constitute Project, “Sierra Leone’s Constitution of 1991, reinstated in 1996 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Singapore====
According to the Constitution of Singapore, citizens vote in two types of elections, parliamentary and presidential. Citizens of Singapore can vote once they are 21 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Singapore’s Constitution of 1963 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Slovakia====
Article 30 of Slovakia’s Constitution states that the right to vote granted to Slovakian citizens is universal, equal and direct. Additionally, it states that citizens have the right to vote for their national representatives and in municipal elections. The voting age in Slovakia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Slovakia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Slovenia====
Under Article 43, all citizens over the age of 18 can vote in the universal and equal elections. Additionally, in some cases, aliens of Slovenia may vote as determined by the law. Article 80 states that the members of the National Assembly are elected via these universal and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Slovenia’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Solomon Islands====
The Preamble to the Constitution of the Solomon Islands states that their government is based on the principles of universal suffrage. Article 56 explands on this notion, stating that citizens must be registered to vote. The voting age is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Solomon Islands’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Somalia====
Under article 141 of Somalia’s Constitution eligible voters have the right to vote in referendums and by secret ballot in elections. The voting age in Somalia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “ Somalia’s Constitution of 2012”).

====South Africa====
Articles 1 and 19 of South Africa’s Constitution make note of adult citizens’ right to universal, equal, and fair elections as well as to run for political office. Article 47 states that these adult citizens have the right to elect the members of the National Assembly.(Constitute Project, “South Africa’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2012”).

====South Korea====
According to Article 24 of South Korea’s Constitution, all citizens (over the age of 19) are allowed to vote in elections. Article 67 states that the President of South Korea should be elected based on the principles of universal and direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “South Korea’s Constitution of 1948 with Amendments through 1987”).

====South Sudan====
Article 56 of South Sudan’s Constitution states that members of the National Legislative Assembly are voted into office based on the principles of universal and fair suffrage by adult citizens of the nation, age 17 and older. (Constitute Project, “South Sudan’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Spain====
Under article 23 of Spain’s Constitution adult citizens (over the age of 18) have the right to participate in public affairs and elect their representatives through universal and free elections. (Constitute Project, “ Spain’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Sri Lanka====
Under Article 88 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution, all adult citizens have the right to elect the President and Members of the Parliament, as well as vote on a referendum, as long as they are registered to vote and are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Sri Lanka’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Sudan====
Sudan’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for the President as well as members of the National Legislature. Citizens of Sudan can vote in these elections once they are 17 years old. (Constitute Project, “Sudan’s Constitution of 2019”).

====Suriname====
Article 54 of Suriname’s Constitution gives adult citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote as long as they are registered voters. Articles 57 and 58 states that citizens have the right to vote for the members of the National Assembly barring their right to vote has not been revoked by the courts (Constitute Project, “Suriname’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Sweden====
The Preamble of Sweden’s Constitution notes that their democracy is founded upon the principles of universal suffrage. Article 4 expands on this notion stating that all citizens (at home or abroad) over the age of 18 can vote for the members of the Riksdag. (Constitute Project, “Sweden’s Constitution of 1974 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Switzerland====
Article 136 of the Swiss Constitution lays out the political right for Swiss citizens, stating that all Swiss citizens over the age of 18 (unless they are mentally incapable of doing so) may vote in their free elections. The Swiss legislature can create mandatory and optional referendums. (Constitute Project, “Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Syria====
Under Article 59 of Syria’s Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 and meet the proper “conditions” have the right to vote in elections. Article 57 states that the members of the People’s Assembly are elected by these voters.(Constitute Project, “Syria’s Constitution of 2012”).

====Tajikistan====
Under Articles 49 and 65, members of the Majlisi Namoyandagon and the President of Tajikistan are elected in universal and free elections by secret ballot. Citizens in Tajikistan can vote if they are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Tajikistan’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tanzania====
Article 5 in Tanzania’s Constitution grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in any election. Members of Parliament and the President are elected by the people. (Constitute Project, “Tanzania’s Constitution of 1977 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Thailand====
Article 95 of the Thai Constitution grants Thai citizens of 5 years or more that are registered and are at least 18 years old the right to vote. Article 85 states that members of the House of Representatives of Thailand are elected via direct suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Thailand’s Constitution of 2017”).

====Togo====
Under article 5 of the Constitution of Togo grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to universal, equal, and secret suffrage. Articles 52, 59, and 141 state that the Deputies, President, and territorial collectivities are voted into office based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Togo’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tonga====
Tongan citizens over the age of 21 who are not nobles, insane or disabled by the definitions of the 23rd Article can vote for representatives, according to Article 64. Citizens living abroad may also vote as long as they are registered. (Constitute Project, “Tonga’s Constitution of 1875 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Trinidad and Tobago====
Under Article 51, citizens 18 years or older and that have proper residence may vote and run for office. Eligible voters elect the members of the legislature and the President. (Constitute Project, “Trinidad and Tobago’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tunisia====
Under Article 54, Tunisian citizens are eligible voters if they are at least 18 years old. Article 55 states that these voters elect the members of the Assembly of the Representatives of the People via principles of universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tunisia’s Constitution of 2014”).

====Turkey====
Article 67 of Turkey’s Constitution gives its citizens (18 years old or older) the right to vote, run for office, and engage in political activity. Some members of the Armed Forces and individuals convicted of crimes cannot vote. Articles 75 and 101 grant voters the right to elect the members of the Grand National Assembly and the President via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Turkey’s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Turkmenistan====
Under Article 119, citizens of Turkmenistan who are at least 18 years old can vote for the President of Turkmenistan, the deputies of the Mejlis, and members of the People’s Council. (Constitute Project, “Turkmenistan’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tuvalu====
Article 87 of the Tuvalu Constitution states that the members of Parliament are voted into office by voting age (18 years old) adults based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tuvalu’s Constitution of 1986 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Uganda====
Articles 78 and 103 grant citizens of Uganda the right to vote for representatives and the President through processes of universal suffrage by secret ballot. The voting age in Uganda is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Uganda’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Ukraine====
Articles 70 and 71 of Ukraine’s Constitution lay out the rights of voters. Ukrainian citizens age 18 or older who are not deemed incompetent can vote in local and national elections based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Ukraine’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2016”).

====United Arab Emirates====
Under article 46 of section 1, The Supreme Council of the Union, each Emirate shall have a single vote in the deliberations of the council. According to article 49 decisions of the council and procedural matters shall be taken by majority vote. Article 61 states that the decisions are secret and in an evenly divided vote the Chairman’s vote shall prevail. There are no political parties and, until the beginning of the 21st century, no elections were held. Now, an electoral college meets every four years to select half of the members of the advisory Federal National Council, the other half is designated by appointment. (Constitute Project, “United Arab Emirates's Constitution of 1971 with Amendments through 2004”)

====United Kingdom====
The Reform Act of 1832 was the first piece of legislation to expand voting rights in the United Kingdom. It established that men above the age of 21 who were freeholders of property could vote. Universal suffrage was established with the Representation of the People Act 1969, which extended the right to vote to all persons of age (Anglotopia, "The History of Voting Rights in the United Kingdom")

====United States====
U.S. election laws first were seen in Article 1 of the Constitution, which gave states the responsibility to oversee federal elections. Since then, many Constitutional amendments and federal laws have been put in place to protect voting rights such as the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, and Twenty-sixth Amendment (USA Gov, "Voting and Elections").

====Uruguay====
Chapter 2 article 77 of the 1966 Constitution of Uruguay states that since every citizen is a member of the sovereignty of the nation, they are eligible to vote and participate in the electoral process (Constitute Project, "Uruguay's Constitution of 1966, Reinstated in 1985, with Amendments through 2004").

====Uzbekistan====
The law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage in 1994 granted Citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan the right to take part in public and state affairs both as directly and through their representatives (Legislaionline, "Law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage").

====Vanuatu====
The 1980 Constitution under Chapter 1, National Sovereignty, The Electoral Franchise and Political Parties, entitles every citizen of age thee right to vote (Constitute Project, "Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2013").

====Venezuela====
Under the 1999 Constitution of Venezuela, Article 64, all Venezuelans over the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, Venezuela's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2009).

====Vietnam====
According to Chapter I, Political System, Article 7 of the Vietnmaese Constitution the elections are held in accordance with the principles of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. Under Chapter II, Human Rights and Citizen’s Fundamental Rights and Duties, Article 27 citizens of the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, “Vietnam’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Yemen====
Under Part Three, Organization of the State Authorities, Chapter 1, Article 63 of the Yemeni Constitution, The members of the House of Representatives shall be elected in a secret free and equal vote directly by the people (Constitute Project, “Yemen's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Zambia====
Article 75, clause 1 of the 1991 Constitution grants every citizen of Zambia who has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter (Election Access, "Zambia").

====Zimbabwe====
According to ZImbabwe’s Constitution, Chapter 7, Elections, Part one, Electoral Systems and Processes, Number 155, Principles of the Electoral System, elections must be held regularly and referendums to which the Constitution applies must be peaceful, free, conducted by a secret ballot and based on universal suffrage and equality (Constitute Project, “Zimbabwe's Constitution of 2013”).

===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
Other noteworthy written sources that mention an implicit right to vote in a more modern context include Thomas Rainsborough during the British Putney Debates in 1647, where he stated, “I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that Government that he hath not had a voice to put Himself under.” Rainsborough’s speech at the Putney Debates also alluded to a divine right to vote:

"I do think the main cause why Almighty God gave men reason, it was that they should make use of that reason…every man born in England cannot, ought not, neither by the law of God nor the law of nature, to be exempted from the choice of those who are to make laws for him to live under." (Rainsborough)

In the United States, the 1776 Constitution of Virginia was one of the first written sources to establish a protected right to vote, stating that “all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage.” Federalist 52, written by James Madison, also alludes to the importance of voting rights, stating “the definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government” (Avalon Project). Similar to earlier conceptions of democracy as a means of quelling the potential for rebellion, concessions to expand voting rights in Great Britain, in particular, were in large part made by political leaders to “prevent the necessity of revolution” among the population (National Archives). In both of these cases, however, the right to vote was granted solely to property-owning men, and it would not be until the mid-19th Century that the connection between the right to vote and property ownership would be removed in both Great Britain and the United States. Additionally, perceptions of suffrage as a universal right have come about much more recently, with New Zealand becoming the first country to legally recognize suffrage as a universal right in 1893 under Part One of the Electoral Act, which outlined that “every person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards who has resided for one year in the colony” was eligible to vote.

===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
An Aristotelian approach to voting is complex, in part because democracies of his day functioned differently than those today. Aristotle broke the selection of officials into three main categories. The first was selection of officials by lot in which case office would be open to all citizens. Aristotle viewed selection by lot to be a democratic feature. The second category was selecting officials by means of elections, which he considered to be more oligarchic and aristocratic. The third category was a combination of the first two, in which some members were elected for the purpose of certain matters and others were chosen either by lot from all or by lot from a preselected group, or these two groups worked together in the same offices (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b5).

Aristotle outlined election features of different types of democracies that were considered democratic because of their incorporation of the assembly. The first type would be that in which offices were open to all but would be appointed in turn by magistrates. In this case few things would be decided by all in the assembly, but the assembly would decide on the passage of laws and they would approve or withhold the selection of officials by magistrates. Aristotle did not specifically explain how magistrates would go about selecting officials in this type of democracy (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a9). Another type of democracy was one in which more matters were decided by the assembly, including legislation and selecting offices. Offices would be chosen by lot, except in the cases where an office required a special skill or knowledge, in which case they would be chosen by election (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a24). In the final form of democracy, the assembly would decide all matters. Officials would only be necessary for organizational purposes to ensure the assembly ran properly, and officials would not have final judgment on matters (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a28). In the case of democracies, Aristotle suggested paying the poor to attend the assembly and fining the rich for not. He also recommended limitations on payment for attendance in order to ensure the common people would not outweigh the rich. Aristotle wanted to avoid oligarchy by evening the influence of the rich and the poor, to ensure the common interest was at hand (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b11).

Aristotle also outlined differences in voting procedures in different types of oligarchies as well as mixed regimes and aristocracies and polities. One type of oligarchy was that in which officials were elected from among those who had the requisite amount of wealth. Another type was that in which all who had the requisite amount of wealth shared in rule. There were also cases of aristocracy or polity in which case all had control over matters of war, peace, and taking audits, but magistrates had control of everything else, including laws and electing officials. This type of regime would not be democratic because officials were not chosen by all, or at least not approved by all in the assembly. However, because all still decided on other matters such as war and peace, the regime would not be an oligarchy. “Lot is a democratic feature and will make them [regimes] polities by opening up office to many; election is an oligarchic and aristocratic feature and will either confine office to the wealthy (in which case the regime will be an aristocracy in the sense in which oligarchic polities are aristocracies) or to those with a certain quality or virtue (in which case the regime will be genuinely aristocratic…)” (Simpson 2002, 345). In general, Aristotle believed that rulers should rule in the common best interest, rather than solely in their own best interest (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1279a28). In the case of oligarchy, Aristotle recommended affording the populace the ability to give some input on political decisions, as this could promote peace, even if they were not given power in final decision making (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b26).

Aristotle had two large concerns with elections, campaigning and demagoguery. In terms of campaigning, Aristotle was concerned that only the people who wanted to be in office would be, rather than the people who necessarily deserved to be in office. He believed that a man who was worthy of office should accept the position regardless of if he wanted to (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1271a10). He also thought that campaigning “promotes love of honor, the cause, along with love of money, of most voluntary wrongs or deliberate acts of injustice” (Simpson 2002, 118). It is the pursuit of these wrongs that leads to tyranny. Additionally, regarding demagoguery, Aristotle worried that class interests would dominate elections, rather than the good of the whole. To prevent this, he recommended that the populace be divided into local groups for voting in elections. He believed that by voting in such groups, people would be less concerned with their general class interest, and would be more alert to local ties (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1305a28).

While Aristotle strongly believed citizens should participate in politics, he did not support extending political rights to slaves, women, or laborers. He thought that slaves did not possess the intellectual skills to be able to govern themselves, and hence would be subject to the governing of others (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1254b16-23). Similarly, women were viewed as naturally inferior to men with less capability of leading (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1259b1-2). An important point that Aristotle emphasized was that citizens should be ruled by their equals, resulting in a reciprocal equality, unlike that between slaves and their masters or women and men, and therefore women and slaves were not considered citizens. As for laborers and artisans, Aristotle believed that “there is a need for leisure both with a view to the creation of virtue and with a view to political activities,” which laborers and artisans did not have sufficient time for (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1329a1-2).

====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====

'''Confucianism'''

Confucianism presents that a virtuous person, and therefore a virtuous society, can only come about through the understanding of an individual’s place within their society, and the eager participation in the rites and rituals of the society by that individual (Mark, 2020). If both these things are realized, there will be a righteous and happy culture.

The two major parts of understanding one’s place in their social system is honoring ones familial and social superiors: “Filial piety and fraternal submission,--are they not the root of all benevolent actions?” (''Analects'', 1.2). Within the Analects, there are many rules emphasizing the actions and attitudes one must take to those one should honor. Confucianism proposes that interest in oneself is limiting and: “To subdue one’s self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue”.

This importance on the collective can harshly rub against one of the founding traditions towards the right to vote, as the right usually implies a dissatisfaction found within the current leadership when the right is expressed—certainly the modern origins of voting were led by that dissatisfaction. In fact, the insistence of usurping the power traditionally given to political superiors is greatly disrespectful and damaging under the Confucian view: “The requisites of government are that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler” (12.7). Confucianism reveals the highly individual nature of the right to vote which rises from a discontent towards the present politics.

Confucianism can reveal the other, more collective side of the right to vote as well, however. The overcoming of the self is key for Confucianism which is realized when: “…one de-emphasizes the boundaries between oneself and others, and gives one’s own and others’ concerns as much weight as is appropriate to the situation” (Chang & Kalmanson, 2010, pg. 109). This is immanently compatible with the right to vote. Moreover, public rituals were seen as the path towards peace and virtue: “In practicing the rules of [ritual] propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. This is the Way of the ancient kings, a quality of excellence, and in things small and great follow them” (''Analects'', 1.12). Later: “The management of a state demands the rules of [ritual] propriety” (11.26). Under this lens, the right to vote is a ritual with which the current political and social order is being upheld, as well as an opportunity for citizens to participate together. Confucianism reveals how the right to vote is also a modern ritual of political participation,

Confucianism shows how the right to vote has a paradoxical nature. On the one hand, it is a mechanism that allows citizens to privately disrespect their leaders and voice their resentment with the qualities of their current political system. At the same time, voting also acts as a modern-day ritual that is experienced with other citizens.

'''Taoism'''

Central to Taoism is the full acceptance of the Tao. Describing the Tao is difficult as the very first lines of the Laozi texts state: “The tao that can be told is not the eternal Tao. The name that can be named is not the ternal Name” (''Tao Te Ching'', 1). This notwithstanding, the Tao is akin to the source and substance of nature (James, 2015). It both creates and holds everything that is existing. With this expansiveness, the ambitions and anxieties of man’s daily life are unimportant and giving them special attention would be a personal mistake: “Heaven and earth are not like humans, they are impartial” (Tao Te Ching, 5).

The strivings that people have create a paradoxical relationship between our ambition and their outcomes and this relationship is found all throughout the foundational text: “The pride of wealth and position brings about their own misfortune” (9). What we strive towards will usually bring what we are trying to avoid. The Taoist prescription to this issue is wu wei, which is a type of nonattached, spontaneous action. With wu wei, one doesn’t struggle to get anywhere, rather they are just expressing their natures as part of the Tao: “To win true merit, to preserve just fame, the personality must be retiring. This is the heavenly [Tao]” (9).

The connection between Taoism and the right to vote can be readily made. The Taoist political life and rule is decidedly hands off. If it were intentional and active, one would reach similar problems to the ones that result from striving for things in one’s daily life. The Taoist errs on the side of not-intervening: “Among people the more restrictions and prohibitions there are, the poorer they become…The more laws and orders are issued the more thieves and robbers abound” (57). Later it states: “If a ruler practices wu wei the people will reform themselves” (57). The implication is that the more active a society’s politics is, the worse outcomes will occur for the state and its people. This shows that the Taoist has a preference towards a freer politics where the ruling forces are not apparent: “When great men rule, subjects know little of their existence…How carefully a wise ruler chooses his words. He performs deeds, and accumulates merit! Under such a ruler the people think they are ruling themselves” (17). Many have taken the Tao Te Ching as advocating for anarchism (Irwin, 2014; Rapp, 2012; Stamatov, 2014), and despite the inclusion of a ruler in most of its political references, this interpretation is quite proximal.

As with Confucianism, Taoism provides two insights about the right to vote. On one hand, the right to vote for citizens is a decidedly more emphasized version of the allowance for people’s self-reformation. While this reformation decidedly occurs through the changing of one’s rulers, voting rights allow the people to go their own way, and live according to the ever changing, spontaneous desires and ideas that they hold, and the elected leadership reflects that.

On the other hand, Taoism shows that the right to vote can come from a misguided ambition to change society, usually for unnecessary reasons. It is this discontented impulse which is responsible for the right to vote, and according to Taoism, this impulse brings with it dire consequences. Under this view, voting is unnecessary, and just another expression of man caring for things that are not his business. Of course, voting could also be an act of concession where the voter chooses for what their society already believes and approves of. Voting in this way is not to change anything, but rather to continue what is already present. However, it is arguable that the Taoist would still be against this as this prevents the spontaneous change present in the Tao.

====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====

In early Indian philosophy, there is little or no mention of voting rights. However, many ancient scriptures in different civilizations mention representative forms of government. In various regions of ancient India, republican governments existed. During the nineteenth century, research into the Buddhist Pali Canon revealed existing republicanism at the time. (Muhlberger, 1998). The Pali Canon provides a far more complete, though somewhat oblique, account of democratic institutions in Indian Philosophy, confirming and expanding on Panini's vision. The Maha-parinibbana-suttanta, the Mahavagga, and the Kullavagga are three of the Canon's oldest and most revered parts. Taken together, they preserve the Buddha's teachings for the proper operation of the Buddhist monastic community – the Sangha – after his death. (Muhlberger, 1998). They were the most reliable source on voting processes in a corporate body during the early Buddhist period. They also provide some insight into the development of democratic thought.

According to Panini, all northern India's states and territories (janapadas) during his time were founded on the colonization or conquest of a specific area by an identified warrior group who still controlled the political life of that area (Basham, 1959). Some of these peoples (known as janapadins by Panini) were ruled by a king who was, at least in theory, of their own blood and maybe reliant on their support (Muhlberger, 1998). Other than that, the janapadins handled their affairs in a republican fashion. Thus, in both types of state, the government was dominated by persons classed as ksatriyas, or members of the warrior caste, as later times would describe it (Hays, 2015). Another example is a republican federation known as the Kshudrak-Malla Sangha which posed serious resistance to Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC. Many more republican regimes in India have been mentioned by the Greeks, some of which were classified as pure democracies and others as "aristocratic republics” (Muhlberger, 1998).

According to Prakash (2006), a vote was called a 'chhanda,' which literally translates to a 'wish.' This evocative word was used to communicate the concept that voting expresses a member's free will and choice. There used to be multi-colored voting tickets called 'shalakas' (pins) for voting in the assembly . When a division was called, they were handed to members and collected by an officer of the assembly called the ‘shalaka grahak' (collector of pins). This official was chosen by the entire assembly. It was his responsibility to conduct the vote, which may be secret or open. However, Indian republics are beginning to sound extremely undemocratic by our modern standards, with real power concentrated in the hands of a few patriarchs representing the leading lineages of one privileged section of the warrior caste.

References:

Basham, A. L. (1959). India as Known to Pāṇini (A Study of the Cultural Material of the Ashṭādhyāyī). By V. S. Agrawala. pp. xx + 549, 3 maps, plate. Lucknow University, 1953. Rs. 50. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 91(3-4), 181–183. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00118544

Muhlberger, S. (1998). Democracy in Ancient India. https://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_muhlb_democra_frameset.htm

Prakash, A. (2006). Law relating to elections: an essential revision aid for law students. Universal Law Pub.

Hays, J. (2015). ANCIENT INDIA IN THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA. Facts and Details. http://factsanddetails.com/india/History/sub7_1a/entry-4105.html

====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====

Kant thought that citizens of a state could only be property-owning male or active members of society, and that they were the only individuals who could vote (Kant, 1991, p.27, para.1). With that in mind, as well as his hypothetical social contract theory, maintaining a just state under Kantianism seems unlikely. This is especially true when victims of the system, such as women, youth, the poor, minorities, and others, do not have a voice in what happens to them or their lives through voting and representation. Kant's system is geared on keeping the property owner and independent, while keeping the rest of society silent and dependent (Glawson, 2016). One might expect from this emphasis that Kant would insist that the proper political system is one that not only allows individuals to think for themselves about political issues, but also contains a mechanism such as voting to translate those well-reasoned opinions into government policy.

In his discussion in “Perpetual Peace” of the traditional division of the types of government Kant classifies governments in two dimensions. The first is the “form of sovereignty” (forma imperii), concerning who rules, and here Kant identifies the traditional three forms: autocracy, aristocracy, and democracy, “the power of a prince, the power of a nobility, and the power of the people” (Kant, 1991, p. 100). The second is the “form of government” (forma regiminis) concerning how those people rule, and here Kant offers a variation on the traditional good/bad dichotomy: either republican or despotic (Kant, 1991, p.101). The term ‘republican’ in Kant’s writings, “could be interpreted to represent what nowadays is generally called parliamentary democracy” (Kant, 1991, p.25, para.2). Despotism is defined as a state of unity in which the same ruler makes and enforces rules, thus transforming an individual's private will into the public will. Kant differentiates between a republicanism and despotism emphasizing that a ‘republican’ form of government is “where the executive is separated from the legislature, and the despotic, where it is not” (Kant, 1991, p.29, para.1)

Republics require representation to guarantee that the executive authority exclusively executes the will of the people by requiring the executive to enforce only laws enacted by representatives of the people, not the executive itself. However, a republic may function with just one lawmaker if other people serve as executives (Rauscher, 2016). Kant warns from the danger of a monarch becoming a tyrant. A monarch would enact laws in the name of the people, but the monarch's ministers would oversee enforcing them. Thus, like Rousseau, Kant is convinced that the adage of a republican government is the respect of law by the people and also by the ruler and the sovereign. (Kant, 1991, p.30, para.2). Kant's argument that such a government is republican demonstrates his belief that a republican government does not need real participation of the people in creating laws, even though elected representatives, as long as the laws are issued with the people's entire united will in mind.

When Kant addresses voting for representatives, he conforms to many of the time's prevalent biases. The right to vote necessitates, in Kant’s words, "being one's own master," (Kant, 1991, p.27), which entails owning property or having a talent that can sustain oneself. Kant classes those who are independent as ‘active’ citizens and those who are not as ‘passive’. He also excludes women from voting, claiming that “ [Women] are, on principle, disqualified. But any legislation should always be enacted and carried out as if the passive citizens too were participating” (Kant, 1991, p.27). His thesis is that these people are unsuitable to vote because they lack the ability to reason and have no free choice “being one’s own master” (Kant, 1991, p. 27). The mentally sick and the elderly who are unable to function are further instances of people who lack reason and are not their own masters. According to Kant, the presumption of being "one's own master" is essential for citizenship eligibility. For example, at least in Kant’s time, when a woman got married, her possessions became her husband's, and she is expected to completely rely on him, thus she does not own property and consequently excluded from voting (Glawson, 2017). To summarize, Kant did not believe that married women could be active members of a state or citizens since they are incompetent and dependent by their very nature as women (Glawson, 2017). Thus, Kant believes that just by adopting the people's point of view, a single individual or small group may properly represent the people at large. Insistence on a representative system is not the same as insisting on a representative system that is elected.

Regardless, Kant clearly believes that an elective representational democracy is preferable. Republican constitutions, he says, are more likely to prevent war because, when the people's permission is required, they will weigh the costs of war (fighting, taxes, property damage, and so on), but a non-republican ruler may be immune to such considerations. He also mentions in the "Doctrine of Right" that a republican government represents the people "by all the citizens united and acting via their delegates" (Rauscher, 2016).

References:

Glawson, J. D. (2017, November 24). Immanuel Kant on Suffrage: With a Libertarian Disagreement. Medium. https://medium.com/@JoshuaGlawson/immanuel-kant-on-suffrage-with-a-libertarian-disagreement-d6f149df3658

Kant, I. (1991). Kant: political writings. Cambridge University Press.

Rauscher, F. (2016, September 1). Kant's social and political philosophy. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant-social-political/

====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====

Weberian Thought (3.1.31)
Through the democratic process in which citizens elect their representatives to government, Weberian Thought held the promise that it would be possible to rewrite the historically authoritarian regime of Prussia (Germany at Weber’s time) perpetuated by Junkers, wealthy conservative landowners, and monarchists before the war. (Maley, 2011, p.76). Weber envisioned his model as a counterpoint to both the left's Social Democrats and the right's monarchists and Junkers.

According to Weber, equal suffrage meant equal universal voting rights for working classes who had historically been barred from voting. In his writings on equal suffrage in modern citizenship, he clearly states that equal suffrage is “closely related to the equality of certain fates which the modern state as such creates” (Weber, 1994, p. 105). He explicitly focuses on returning soldiers’ rights, and argues that the equality of the modern state functions in the way that people are equal before death, because the
“most basic needs [of physical existence] on the one hand and, on the other, that most solemn and lofty fact of all are encompassed by those equalities which the modern state offers all its citizens in a truly lasting and undoubted way: sheer physical security and the minimum for subsistence, but also the battlefield on which to die” (Weber, 1994, p.105, para.2)

Weber does not emphasize on women’s suffrage, he does, however, say that women should have the right to vote as long as “they too are ‘fighting’ the war if they do their duty” (Weber, 1994, p.78, line.14). Moreover, in “Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology”, Weber notes that “the woman is dependent because of the normal superiority of the physical and intellectual energies of the male” (Weber, 1978, p.1007). The Weberian Thought on voting was aiming to correct historical gender and class inequities or might at least mitigate the most severe exclusions of women, the urban working class, and the rural peasantry from power and government.

Weber's ideas for equal suffrage might be viewed as a partial erasing of historical discriminatory markings. Weber's suggestions have a deeper element to them than the more neutral sounding ‘counterweight’ to bureaucratic dominance (Weber, 1994, p.104). Equal suffrage emerged as a valuable counterbalance to both types of inequity. Weber saw that the inequities created by capitalism might be just as persistent as those created by prior, more feudal social systems. Against both, Weber advocated for a ‘positive politics’ in which “equal voting rights” means that the individual “is not considered in terms of the particular professional and family position he occupies, nor in relation to the differences of material and social situation, but purely and simply as a citizen” (Weber, 1994, p.103).

During the Russian revolution, enraged workers, students, and returning soldiers took to the streets in protest of the existing regime's ruler, Tsar Nicholas II, who had obstructed their enfranchisement and rights prior to the war and then ordered mass slaughter on the battlefield. Weber recognized their outrage at the collapsing regime, but he dismissed their demands for more revolutionary, far-reaching reform as immature. Although Weber understood the anger of Russian revolutionists against the crumbling regime, he saw it as immature and ‘childish’ (Maley, 2011, p. 99). Weber was concerned that under the Russian revolutionary circumstances of 1918–19, people would respond out of anger and rage, which would be doubly harmful. In “Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order”, Weber had already wondered “whether such explosions unleash yet again the familiar and usual fear of the propertied classes; in other words, it depends on whether the emotional effect of undirected mass fury produces the equally emotional and equally undirected cowardice of the bourgeoisie” (Weber, 1994, p. 232)

In his wartime newspaper writings, Weber made a strategic case for the Social Democratic Party's participation as a disciplined working-class party. Though Weber considered the working class to be too “immature” to take on the role of a ruling class, he praised the discipline and self-control of the Social Democrats' political partners, the trade unions. He said approvingly that “organizations like the trade unions, but also the Social Democratic Party, create a very important counterbalance [not only against the right, but] to the rule of the street which is so typical of purely plebiscitary nations and so prone to momentary and irrational influences” (Weber, 1994, p. 231).

References:

Maley, T. (2011). Democracy and the Political. In Democracy & the Political in Max Weber's Thought (pp. 77-120). Toronto; Buffalo; London: University of Toronto Press. Retrieved July 16, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttgq2.7

Weber, M. (1994). Weber: Political Writings. United States: Cambridge University Press.

Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology. University of California Press.

====Process Philosophy====
====Social Darwinism====

Social Darwinism held that human life in society was a fight for survival guided by the principle of "survival of the fittest", proposed by British philosopher and scientist Herbert Spencer. In his later publications, Spencer's devotion to the right of universal suffrage waned. While he views universal suffrage in Social Statics (1851) as a reliable way of keeping government from overstepping its bounds in safeguarding moral rights, he concludes in Principles of Ethics that universal suffrage fails to do so successfully, and therefore abandons his support for it. He subsequently came to the conclusion that universal suffrage posed more of a danger to moral rights than it did to defend them (Spencer on Voting, 1879). Over-legislation was promoted by universal suffrage, especially when it was extended to women, as it allowed the government to take on tasks that were not its responsibility.

Spencer understood that liberalism's fundamental objective has never been to grant people the right to vote, but rather to limit government authority. In Social Statics (1981), he states that “The function of Liberalism in the past was that of putting a limit to the powers of kings. The function of true Liberalism in the future will be that of putting a limit to the powers of Parliaments” (Spencer, 1981, p. 166). The primary motivation for expanding suffrage is to limit or prevent the government's role from expanding. When this aim is challenged, the law of equal freedom may be jeopardized less by suffrage restrictions than by their removal, according to Social Statics (Miller, 1982, p. 492).

Spencer's work emphasizes the importance of changes in the pattern of interrelationships between the individual and the state in social evolution. The gradual decline of government's function in people's lives, according to Spencer, is the key to optimal social evolution in the future (Miller, 1982, p. 493). Before the publication of Social Statics in 1851, Spencer thought that universal suffrage would eliminate class legislation and protect the interests of the entire community. He even criticized the association of ignorance to the working class saying that “it is a great error to suppose that ignorance is peculiar to the unenfranchised.” (Spencer, 1851, p.232, para. 4). In 1860, Spencer emphasized once more that extending suffrage is only justifiable when it is utilized to preserve or extend individual liberty. However, he praised the suffrage expansion brought about by the Reform Bill of 1867, a good example of the triumph of feeling over intellect.

Spencer's views on women's suffrage are similar to his views on allowing workers to vote. Spencer calls for unlimited political equality for women in Social Statics (1851). He portrays women as being cognitively and physically inferior to men in this book, despite the fact that history shows that some women are equal to men in both regards. They have thrived as rulers, scientists, authors, and artists despite institutional constraints (Miller, 1982, p. 494). If many women are inferior, then many men are as well. In either case, the inferior should not be denied the chance to use the faculties they have. However, Spencer had concluded by 1892 that women could not be trusted with unfettered franchise. His rationale was that women are less capable of abstract thinking than males and are more influenced by emotional appeals. Spencer does not give explicit reasoning as to why this is the case. He simply notes in Social Statics (1851) that “[a woman’s] faculties are less powerful [..] because woman is mentally inferior to man she has less extensive rights, amount to ? Just this,--that because woman has weaker faculties than man, she ought not to have like liberty with him to exercise the faculties she has!” (Spencer, 1851, p.158). In addition, “A further difference between men and women is due to the fact that men are liable to military service for the defense of the country in time of war. Since this burden does not fall upon women, they are not entitled to the franchise, until a state of permanent peace has been attained” (Elliot, 2019, p. 205).

References:

Elliot, H., Williams, B. (2019). Makers of the Nineteenth Century Herbert Spencer. United States: Creative Media Partners, LLC.

Miller, W. (1982). HERBERT SPENCER'S DRIFT TO CONSERVATISM. History of Political Thought, 3(3), 483-497. Retrieved July 25, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/26212267

Spencer on voting as a poor instrument for protecting our rights to life, liberty, and property (1879). Online Library of Liberty. (n.d.). https://oll.libertyfund.org/quote/spencer-on-voting-as-a-poor-instrument-for-protecting-our-rights-to-life-liberty-and-property-1879.

Spencer, H. (1851). Social Statics . Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/spencer-social-statics-1851

Spencer, H. (1981). The Man versus the State, with Six Essays on Government, Society and Freedom (LF ed.). Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/mack-the-man-versus-the-state-with-six-essays-on-government-society-and-freedom-lf-ed#Spencer_0020_330

====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====
====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
Postmodernism evolved during the late 20th century in opposition to modernism and as a response to the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment encouraged a shift from intellectual dependence on the church and theology to a belief in a universal moral and intellectual historical experience legitimated by reason (Woods 1999, 227). Modernism supports the belief in this type of organization of knowledge and the human experience, suggesting that such reasoning would be unified by scientific thinking, teleology, and rationality. Modernism uses reason and scientific procedure to establish universal truths from which knowledge can be claimed and order established. The Enlightenment led to the spread of democratic values in the west, and likewise, influenced the creation of modern democratic institutions, a form of reason in practice (Gaete 1991, 149). An important change that stemmed from modernism and the Enlightenment was the acceptance of human rights as ethical truths. The statement, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations (United Nations 1948) was offered as a universal truth that would provide social order based on the objective reasoning suggested by modernism (Gaete 1991, 149). For example, from this claim, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could uphold that “The will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be universal and equal in suffrage…” (United Nations 1948). From the acceptance of the initial statement of objective rights as a universal truth, equal political participation and voting rights could be theoretically promised.

The postmodern response to modernism reflects a difference in attitude, but does not imply that postmodernism will supersede modernism. In this way, postmodern thinking offers a critique of reason (Woods 1999, 9). According to Sabina Lovibond, “Postmodernism… rejects the doctrine of the unity of reason. It refuses to conceive of humanity as a unitary subject striving towards the goal of perfect coherence (in its common stock of beliefs) or of perfect cohesion and stability (in its political practice)” (Lovibond 1990). Modernism relies on metanarratives, an overarching pattern and interpretation of society, while postmodernism rejects this idea of an “all-encompassing rationality” (Woods 1990, 10).

There are two relevant points to consider regarding postmodernism in relation to voting rights. First off, postmodernists are largely opposed to the hierarchical structure of government and tend to question their trust in institutionalized government (Green & Roberts 2012, 85). Philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard who helped to formulate postmodernism suggests that postmodernists are suspicious of political narratives. Examples of such narratives include the idea of progress that is associated with the Enlightenment and ‘social liberation’ associated with Marxism. Lyotard refers to these types of narratives as “violent” and “tyrannical” for attempting to impose a universal pattern on human experience and knowledge. Instead, Lyotard believes knowledge can only be understood as partial and nonexclusive. According to Lyotard, “Scientists, technicians, and instruments are purchased not to find truth, but to augment power” (Lyotard 1997, 46). Postmodernists are opposed to this type of hierarchical structure, suggesting that older proponents of modernism were “being blind to the destructive and oppressive nature of all totalising ideologies” (Arslan 1999, 205). In terms of voting rights, this ‘totalising ideology’ may be the claim that voting rights provide the best method of citizen political participation. Postmodernists would instead suggest that the human experience is constantly changing and developing, so this ‘totalising ideology’ may not be all inclusive. While they may be in favor of voting rights in practice, they would reject the idea of voting rights and human rights as universal truths, suggesting that successful political commitments are not necessarily the result of institutional calls to universal truths, but rather of continued innovation (Woods 1999, 13).

The second point to consider with regard to voting rights is that postmodernists believe that the marginalized should be accounted for. Postmodernists suggest that meaning is constantly evolving and is contingent on situational factors and dependent on the interpreter. For the individual, postmodernism means liberation from fixed identities. Postmodernists do not believe that metanarratives can describe each individual, but rather believe that identity can be diverse despite sharing a common situation (Woods 1990, 44). They argue, “There must be an attempt to recoup the power of the individual to tell his or her narrative; that is, anti-foundationalism in this guise becomes the access to the control of one’s own politics” (Woods 1999, 21). One way to afford power to the individual may be by means of voting rights for all in order to provide representation for those who are otherwise marginalized and to account for the diverse individual human experience. Postmodernists do not think that minorities and all individuals are correctly represented by political metanarratives, and therefore, they would support representation for all by means of voting as a way to avoid the miscategorization of individuals into metanarratives. In fact, the feminist movement is an example of this type of resistance to popular culture, which has contributed to the spread of postmodernism (Woods 1999, 170).

===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===

Natural Law:

Perceptions of voting as a right under natural law theory have evolved over time. In early natural law theory, the right to vote was not explicitly considered a necessary component of the fundamental goods on which rights and law are founded. Notably, suffrage was not an intrinsic element of Aquinas’s or philosopher John Finnis’s seven fundamental goods–“life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, friendship, practical reasonableness, and religion” (Britannica). While Aquinas posited that “the supreme power belongs to the multitude as a whole, or to that one who represents the multitude,” he never emphasized the importance of expressing the power of the multitude through voting, specifically (Shepard 1913, 114). Additionally in the Second Treatise of Government, John Locke finds that, while natural law and reason compel humans beings to create civil governments to protect their property and grant powers to sovereign individuals and institutions as a “common superior on earth to appeal to for relief,” widely-recognized suffrage is not a natural prerequisite for this tendency (Locke 1689, 15).

Over time, however, suffrage has received more consideration as intrinsic to natural law. Walter James Shepard describes this shift as part of the “theory of the early constitutional regime,” which moved beyond feudal interpretations of political representation and brought about the notion “that voting is an abstract right, founded in natural law, a consequence of the social compact, and an incident of popular sovereignty” (Shepard 1913, 108). The American Civil Rights Movement also brought about more explicit connections between the right to vote and natural law theory. Martin Luther King Jr., widely considered to have based his political philosophy on the tenets of natural law, often rhetorically framed the right to vote as part of the “eternal moral issue” of the Civil Rights Movement, stating that “the denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic tradition” (King 1957). King’s commentary on de facto denial of African Americans’ right to vote echoes later writings by King that more explicitly outline the natural law tradition: “A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law” (King 1963).

Legal Positivism:

Legal positivist interpretations of suffrage prioritize the systems that define, carry out, and protect suffrage and the voting process. Unlike natural law, the right to vote is not intimately connected or not connected to the pursuit of human goodness. Instead, it is a product of positive norms in a given society, and can be codified as a right as long as society and its legislators view it as something worth protecting. According to legal positivist H.L.A. Hart, the right to vote constitutes a “secondary rule”–a rule that regulates how laws in the conventional sense are “ascertained, introduced, eliminated” and enforced (Hart 1961, 92). Whereas “primary rules” control individual action such as speed limits, environmental regulations, or criminal law, the right to vote as a secondary rule regulates the process by which primary rules are created by incorporating some level of public input on who makes the law. Positivist Jeremy Waldron emphasizes the necessity of governmental and legal systems for suffrage, stating that “one has the right to vote only if one’s vote is counted and given effect in a system of collective decision that determines policy, leadership and authority” (Waldron 1999, 233). While positivists emphasize the importance of systems in the creation and validation of voting rights, voting as a right can also be conferred “as criteria of legal validity” in “conformity with moral principles or substantive values” (Hart 1961, 250). Waldron’s discussion of the inherent connection between individuals and the legal systems that dictate large parts of their lives serves as a positivist articulation of voting as a right: “since it is my duties (among others’) whose performance the state is orchestrating, I have a right to a say in the decision-mechanisms which control their orchestration” (Waldron 1998, 310).

Critical Legal Theory:

Some critical legal theorists maintain critiques against rights-based legal philosophies and methodologies altogether, including voting rights. These critiques include notions that rights-based legal thought “produces a kind of isolated individualism that hinders social solidarity and genuine human connection,” that “the use of rights discourse stunts human imagination and mystifies people about how law really works,” and that “legal rights are in fact indeterminate and incoherent” (Harvard). Drawing on historical precedent, critical legal theorists such as Robert Gordon argue that overreliance on rights-based legal strategy can make modest social gains for individuals, but simultaneously impose a limit on the extent to which individuals can make use of such rights and push back against entrenched power structures. Similarly, Cass Sunstein argues that the right to vote is not meaningfully enforced in the United States due to its strict limitation to the public sector:

“The legal system purports to promote democracy through protecting the right to vote
and the traditional freedom of expression; but those rights do not allow for democracy in the private sector, where critical decisions are also made. By safeguarding rights in the public arena and ignoring the private sphere, the legal system has eroded rather than promoted democracy” (Sunstein 1983, 128).

Under this framework, limiting suffrage to a matter of individual rights imposes unnecessary restrictions on when and where it can be enforced.

Not all critical legal theorists agree with the rejection of rights-based frameworks for suffrage. Critical race theorists such as Kimberle Crenshaw believe that “rights can be defended and reconstructed; the critique of rights neglects the historical potential of rights in the real lives of people of color and women” (Harvard). Framing voting as a right can also empower marginalized groups and mobilize individuals to push back against the existing legal status quo:

“The vast majority are able to sustain a ‘dual consciousness’ – recognizing and capitalizing on the revolutionary potential of legal rights while remaining skeptical of the overall social and political order in which rights are currently embedded” (Harvard). While there is broad consensus in critical legal theory that existing legal systems favor historically dominant hierarchies and do not equally protect all citizens’ ability to vote, there is ongoing debate as to whether framing the issue as a matter of voting “rights” is the best course of action.

==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
For several decades, the right to vote has been widely recognized as fundamental to fair, participatory government by a wide variety of international organizations and individual nations. The most prominent example comes from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, which recognized that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity...to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors” (UN General Assembly 1966). Regional organizations such as the OAS, OSCE, EU, and African Union also hold provisions emphasizing the importance of maintaining equal access to voting among their member nations (University of Minnesota, 2003). In addition to international decrees and declarations identifying the importance of suffrage, international election monitoring and observation bodies exist around the world to protect citizens’ ability to vote and analyze countries’ electoral processes. There is strong global consensus that voting rights ought to be protected and are an essential element of successful representative democracies.

In an American context, the United States Constitution explicitly protects citizens’ right to vote in Section II of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment, Nineteenth Amendment, and Twenty-Fourth Amendment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its subsequent amendments also describe the right to vote as an “inherent constitutional right” (H.R. 4249, 91st Congress 1970). Additionally, prominent Supreme Court cases concerning voting rights such as, Reynolds v. Sims (1964), Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections (1966), and Kramer v. Union Free School District (1969) convey the fundamental nature of suffrage, pushing back against previous interpretations by the Court in Minor v. Happersett (1875) that “the Constitution...does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one” (Supreme Court of the US 1875) and even older perceptions of voting as a privilege that had to be earned through societal metrics such as property ownership (Behrens 2004, 232). In Reynolds, the Court established that:

"Undoubtedly, the right of suffrage is a fundamental matter in a free and democratic society.
Especially since the right to exercise the franchise in a free and unimpaired manner is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized."

Harper concerned the constitutionality of poll taxes, and the Court reasoned that “wealth or fee paying has, in our view, no relation to voting qualifications; the right to vote is too precious, too fundamental to be so burdened or conditioned” (Supreme Court of the US 1966). Kramer similarly outlined that “any unjustified discrimination in determining who may participate in political affairs or in the selection of public officials undermines the legitimacy of representative government” (Supreme Court of the US 1969).
Both majority opinions in Reynolds and Harper also relied upon previous rationale established in Yick Wo v. Hopkins (1886) that “though not regarded strictly as a natural right, but as a privilege merely conceded by society according to its will, under certain conditions, nevertheless [the right to vote] is regarded as a fundamental political right, because preservative of all rights” (Supreme Court of the US 1886).

In spite of these general beliefs legal precedent, certain members of society are still excluded from this fundamental right for reasons that are widely debated. Citizenship, for example, is often a requirement for suffrage. However, some countries, including certain local governments in the United States, allow noncitizens to vote in local elections after they have met certain residency requirements (Earnest). Felons are also often restricted from voting. In most countries with restrictions on felon voting, these penalties only take place when individuals are serving their prison sentence. In the United States, however, felon voting policy, like nearly all electoral policy, is a state decision, and half of all states prohibit felons from voting until the completion of parole and probation, including nine states that prohibit it even after parole and probation (ProCon). Restrictive felon voting policies are indicative to some experts that the United States has “failed to give the right to vote its true status as a fundamental right” (Behrens 275).

In addition to the explicit prohibition of certain individuals from voting, unequal access to voting precincts and absentee drop-off locations as well as reduced voting hours and early voting periods also undermine the extent to which voting rights are protected around the world. Beyond restrictions of where citizens can vote, more explicit voter intimidation and election-related violence are employed even in countries that have signed on to international agreements outlining the importance of voting rights. Partisan gerrymandering, which the Supreme Court has defined as federally “nonjusticiable” in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), also dilutes the impact of certain citizens’ votes, undermining their ability to meaningfully exercise suffrage (Supreme Court of the US 2019).

Additionally, policies implemented to address voter fraud such as voter identification can also limit overall voting access. Critics of voter identification argue that requiring an often-times narrow list of permissible forms of identification puts an undue burden on citizens who are less likely to possess valid identification and constitute a more discrete form of a “poll tax” (Nackenoff). Voter ID cases are often analyzed on a case-by-case basis, as outlined in Crawford v. Marion County (2008), with states’ individual histories of voting discrimination, prevalence of voter fraud–or in many cases “perceptions” of fraud or a lack of “voter confidence”–and evidence indicating deliberate discriminatory intent all playing a role in determining whether or not voter identification satisfies a legitimate government interest (Tokaji).

===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

''Electoral Rights and Europe''

Being a part of the European Union, a citizen of a European country has electoral power in European, national, regional, and municipal levels, though that can bring confusion as to whether or not a European citizen can participate in all of the elections of a particular EU country. EU citizens can vote for European Parliament and municipal elections in any EU country that they live in, though they cannot vote in elections for national parliament nor in regional elections ('Flash Eurobarometer 485 - European Union Citizenship and Democracy', 2020, p. 3).

According to the Flash Eurobarometer 485 of July 2020, 71% European citizens were aware that a citizen of the EU that lives in their country has the right to vote for European Parliament (p. 5). 53% correctly stated that it is false that EU citizens living in their country can vote for national elections. A similar fifty percent split was found with European citizen’s belief of whether other EU citizens not from their country could vote for municipal and regional elections (p. 5).

This data implies that most Europeans recognize their own and others’ right to vote, and that their voting is done in conjunction with European voters from different countries and cultures. This creates an experience of voting that is decidedly international, both in the power that a European has with their vote and also the effects they feel from the votes of others. Voting power is much more expansive than just their own locality, and is instead affecting a much larger trans-national federation.

Later in the report, it shows that 63% of Europeans believe that a citizen of the US is justified in having the right to vote in the national elections of the country that the foreign citizen resides in (p. 6). The countries with the highest number of citizens who thought it justified was Ireland with 77% and Portugal with 74%. The lowest was Denmark with 40% and Sweden with 35%.

With the countries with more citizens that believe it is justified like Portugal and Ireland, the data implies that the right to vote should be expansive and farther reaching, with less importance placed on nationality and more on where someone lives. Moreover, the citizen’s desire for a wider net of participation implies an experience of voting that is too restricted, and far away from being universal.

With countries on the lower end with citizens that believe it to not be justified like Denmark and Sweden, the data implies that their conception of the right to vote is one that should be kept close with the ethnic and cultural natives of the country. The electoral net is too wide, and there would be a greater benefit if voting access were to be restrained and more controlled. This is further supported by the report later on which states that 49% of Danes and 56% of Swedes (the highest percentage) believe that European citizens should only vote in their country of origin (p. 21).

''Encouraging Others to Vote''

The World Values Survey in their 2020 report asked more than 70,000 citizens from 50 countries about what political activism they would consider taking, particularly whether they would encourage others they know to vote in an election.
The results:
* 22% said they have encouraged others to vote
* 26% said they might encourage others to vote
* 48% said they would never encourage others to vote ('World Values Survey Wave 7', 2017, p. 333).
The countries with the highest percentage of those that have encouraged others were Germany with 64%, the United States with 63%, and New Zealand with 62%. The countries with the highest percentage of those that would never encourage others were Myanmar with 79%, Ethiopia and Kyrgyzstan with 76%, and Jordan with 69% (p. 333).

For the countries like Germany and New Zealand with a high percentage of vote encouragers, the act of voting is likely experienced as an important, effective, and social phenomenon where political accomplishments can be reached if there is enough support. Voting is a statement made about the beliefs a citizen has over the contemporary political process, and pride is taken in its expression and public participation. The right to vote is something citizens should both have and take advantage of.

For the countries like Myanmar and Ethiopia with a high percentage of “never encourage” voters, their experience of voting is likely one where voting is unimportant and ineffective, and as a result is either a private or non-existent affair. Likely, the experience of voting is one of pessimism and disillusionment. The political goals of the public are not taken into account and the act of voting is political theater. On the other hand, it is possible also that voting is actively discouraged in these countries in order to uphold the current status quo, and in that case the right to vote is seen as a threat to established power.

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===

Source/Voting Rights and Suffrage

2021-08-13T20:19:15Z

Jere: /* Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries? */

==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
Multiple 5th-Century BC sources outline the importance of citizen voting to early Athenian democracy. Thucydides’s The History of the Peloponnesian War includes several allusions to the importance of citizen participation in democracy. The first instance comes in Chapter VI, the funeral oration of Pericles:

"Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to
others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy…instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all." (Thucydides, VI)

The description of participatory democracy as “indispensable” evokes an importance that moves beyond simply advocating for the benefits of democracy. Rather, it implies an intrinsic importance that more closely mirrors that of a political right. The early political foundations of democracy appear again in Chapter XIX during a speech from Athenagoras:

"It will be said, perhaps, that democracy is neither wise nor equitable, but that the holders of property are also the best fitted to rule. I say, on the contrary, first, that the word demos, or people, includes the whole state, oligarchy only a part; next, that if the best guardians of property are the rich, and the best counsellors the wise, none can hear and decide so well as the many; and that all these talents, severally and collectively, have their just place in a democracy." (Thucydides, XIX)

Aristotle also outlines the inner workings of early Athenian democracy after the reforms of Solon and includes several allusions to the intrinsic importance of suffrage in The Constitution of the Athenians, most likely written between 328 and 322 BC. In his discussion of the importance of individuals’ right to appeal grievances in Athenian court, Aristotle states that “when the democracy is master of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution,” and that “the masses have owed their strength” to Athens’s democratic institutions (Avalon Project). While there is no explicit mention of suffrage as a “right” per se, Aristotle’s emphasis on “voting-power” as a fundamental element of Athenian civil society serves as one of the older examples of voting as a “right.” However, it is important to note that voting in Ancient Athens, while highly valued and perceived as a right for some, was not universal, and only free adult men, whose parents were also Athenian, were granted the right to vote. Athenian democracy was also significantly more participatory and direct than contemporary democratic institutions, as all adult Athenian men were compelled to serve in local governmental assemblies where they would then vote on decrees and other forms of legislation (Blackwell).

While there is not much explicitly-written, primary evidence for the existence of voting rights before the Athenians, previous forms of government that predate democracy also played important roles in the conception of suffrage as a right, particularly in Mesopotamia. For example, “when Mesopotamian elders were unable to agree” on governmental decisions, “they opened their assembly to junior aristocrats and commoners” (Schemeil 104). Additionally, Assyrian merchant colonies’ judicial systems were “not vested in any one individual but resided in a general assembly of all colonists” and were called at the discretion of senior colonists (Jacobsen 161). Early conceptions of proto-democratic political institutions from all parts of the world often arose out of the need to maintain peace and political stability after prolonged conflict between various sects and social groups.

===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====
The earliest Afghan constitution was written during the reign of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in the 1890s followed by the 1923 version. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan turned Afghanistan into a modern democracy, and the right to vote was established in Article 46. The 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan granted women equal rights including universal suffrage and the right to run for office (University of Nebraska, "Constitution of Afghanistan").

====Albania====
Article 45 of the Republic of Albania’s 1998 Constitution guarantees the right to vote to the People of Albania so they can exercise their power through their elected representatives in the Parliament (Berhani, I. "Elections and Implementation of the Law of Elections in Albania").

====Algeria====
Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 and a new Constitution was passed the following year. In the 1989 Constitution under Article 62, all people meeting the legal requirements have the right to vote and to be elected (Constitute Project, "Algeria 1989").

====Andorra====
Article 24 of the 1993 Constitution states that all citizens of age and in full use of their rights are guaranteed suffrage (Constitute Project, "Andorra 1993").

====Angola====
The constitution of 1975 established a one-party state headed by a president who was also chairman of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), which declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party in 1977. Under Article 54 of the Angolan Constitution every citizen of age has the right to vote (Britannica, "Angola").

====Antigua and Barbuda====
Universal suffrage was introduced in Antigua and Barbuda in 1951 (National Encyclopedia, "Antigua and Barbuda- Politics, government, and taxation").

====Argentina====
In 1983, Argentina returned to democracy after almost eight years of authoritarian rule. In April 1994 elections were held to form a Constituent Assembly because of the provisions made to the 1853 Constitution. Under the new Constitution the president is directly elected for a four-year term by universal adult suffrage (ACE Project, “Electoral Systems- Argentina").

====Armenia====
Article 48 of the 1995 Constitution grants the people the right to vote and the right to participate in a referendum (Constitute Project, "Armenia’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2015").

====Australia====
In the 1850s under the Constitutions of Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia, Aboriginal men had the same right to vote as other male British subjects aged over 21. The first federal electoral Act, the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902, granted men and women of all states the right to vote (National Museum Australia, “Australians’ right to vote”).

====Austria====
In Austria, universal suffrage for men was introduced by the Voting Rights Act of 1907 and the country was one of the first in Europe to introduce women’s suffrage in 1918 (Metropole, “Your Right to Vote in Austria”).

====Azerbaijan====
Section 3 of the Constitution of Azerbaijan established the major rights and freedoms of citizens of Azerbaijan, including human rights, property rights, equality rights, the right to vote and freedom of speech. According to the Law passed in the parliament, in 1919, Azerbaijan all citizens of the Republic who had reached the age of 20 were granted voting rights (Azerbaijan, “Interesting Facts”).

====The Bahamas====
The Bahamas Parliamentary Elections Act of 1992 specifies the registration of voters, how the electoral broadcasting council shall conduct its work, how elections are performed and how nominations are seeked (Political Database of the Americas, “Bahamas: Parliamentary Elections Act, 1992”).

====Bahrain====
Under Chapter I, Article 1 of the 2002 Constitution all citizens are able to participate in public affairs and political rights such as voting (Constitute Project, "Bahrain's Constitution of 2002").

====Bangladesh====
The Constitution of 1972, under section VII, states the Qualifications for registration as voter and grants the right to people who are eligible to vote (Laws of Bangladesh, “The Constitution of the People‌‌‍’s Republic of Bangladesh”).

====Barbados====
Barbados Independence Order of 1966 and the Constitution of Barbados established the right to vote for all citizens (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, “Barbados”).

====Belarus====
Article 38 of the 1994 Constitution of the Republic of Belarus states that citizens have the right to vote freely and officials must be elected through a secret ballot (Constitute Project, Belarus's Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2004).

====Belgium====
Beglain citizens are automatically registered on the electoral rolls when reaching the age of 18 and are subject to compulsory voting under Article 62 of the Belgian Constitution (Legislationline, “The Belgian Constitution”).

====Belize====
The 31 members of the House of Representatives are directly elected to five-year terms and the Senate has 12 seats. The ruling party, the opposition, and several civil associations select the senators, who are then appointed by the governor general. (Freedom House, “Belize”).

====Benin====
The president is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms and Delegates to the 83-member, unicameral National Assembly serve four-year terms and are elected by proportional representation. The April 2019 legislative elections were not free or fair, as the implementation of new electoral rules effectively prevented all opposition parties from participating (Freedom House, “Benin”).

====Bhutan====
The Constitution provides for a bicameral Parliament, with a 25-seat upper house, the National Council, and a 47-seat lower house, the National Assembly. Members of both houses serve five-year terms. The king appoints five members of the nonpartisan National Council, and the remaining 20 are popularly elected as independents, while the National Assembly is entirely elected (Freedom House, “Bhutan”).

====Bolivia====
Section 2 Article 26 of the Constitution grants the right for universal suffrage for all people (Constitute Project, “Bolivia’'s Constitution of 2009”).

====Bosnia and Herzegovina====
In accordance with Article II 1, Article IV 1.2 and 4.a and the Article V 1.a of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Article V of the Annex 3 of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Election Law Of Bosnia And Herzegovina was developed in 2001 to promote free and fair elections (Legislationline, “Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina”).

====Botswana====
Botswana has a unicameral, 65-seat National Assembly. Voters directly elect 57 members to five-year terms, while 6 members are nominated by the president and approved by the National Assembly (Freedom House, “Botswana”).

====Brazil====
Chapter IV, Political Rights, Article 14 of the Brazilian Constitution grants universal suffrage with compulsory voting to those over the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Brazil's Constitution of 1988 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Brunei====
The unicameral Legislative Council has no political standing independent of the sultan, who appoints most members. Brunei has not held direct legislative elections since 1962 (Freedom House, "Brunei").

====Bulgaria====
Under the 1991 Constitution Article 42, every citizen above the age of 18 is free to participate in elections of state and local authorities and in referendums (Constitute Project, "Bulgaria's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015").

====Burkina Faso====
Under Article 33 of Title II in the Constitution of Burkina Faso, suffrage is direct or indirect and is universal, equal and secret (Constitute Project, “Burkina Faso's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Burundi====
Under Article 8 of Title I, of The State and of The Sovereignty of The People, all Brudians are granted universal suffrage if they are 18 years of age (Constitute Project, “Burundi's Constitution of 2005”).

====Cambodia====
Khmer citizens 18 years or older are granted the right to vote through universal suffrage under Article 34 of the Constitution (Constitute Project, “Cambodia's Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Cameroon====
Under Part I, The State and Sovereignty, Article 2 of the Cameroon Constitution, voting is equal, secret and by universal suffrage. It is granted to every citizen 20 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Cameroon's Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Canada====
In 1876, only men who were 21 years of age or older, and who owned property were able to vote in federal elections. In 1918 Canadian women were given the right to vote in federal elections if they met the same eligibility criteria as men. The 1982 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms affirms the right of every Canadian citizen to vote and to stand as a candidate (Elections Canada, “A Brief History of Federal Voting Rights in Canada”).

====Cape Verde====
Under Chapter II, Rights, Liberties and Guarantees in Political Participation, Article 54 of the Cape Verde Constitution all citizens at least 18 years of age have the right to vote and participate in political life directly and through freely elected representatives (Constitute Project, “Cape Verde's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Central African Republic====
The Constitution of the Central African Republic states under Title II, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 19 that universal suffrage may be direct or indirect as every citizen over 18 has a duty to vote (Constitute Project, “Central African Republic's Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Chad====
Universal suffrage is granted directly or indirectly and is equal and secret for those 18 years of age or older under Title I, Of the State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6 of the Constitution of Chad (Constitute Project, “Chad's Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Chile====
The Constitution of Chile, Chapter II, Nationality and Citizenship, Article 13 grants Chileans who have reached 18 years of age voting rights. (Constitute Project, “Chile's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2015”).

====China====
Under Chapter II, The Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens, Article 34 all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote and stand for election without discrimination. (Constitute Project, “China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Colombia====
Under Title III, Chapter II, all citizens 18 years of age have the right to vote in all elections. In addition, an Act may grant Alien’s who reside in Colombia the right to vote in municipal and district level elections. (Constitute Project, “Colombia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2015”).

====Comoros====
According to Title I, Article 4, suffrage can be indirect or direct and is universal, equal and secret. All Comorians of either sex who are in possession of their civi and political rights may vote as provided for by the statute. (Constitute Project, "Comoros's Constitution of 2001 with Amendments through 2009").

====Democratic Republic of the Congo====
Section II Sovereignty, Article 5 establishes the conditions of organization of the elections and of the referendum. Suffrage is universal, equal, secret and can be direct or indirect. Without prejudice to the provisions of article 70, 102 and 106 all Congolese of both sexes, of 18 years of age, and enjoying their civil and political rights are electors and eligible. (Constitute Project, “Congo (Democratic Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2005 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Republic of the Congo====
Under Title I, Of The State and Of Sovereignty, Article 6, suffrage is direct or indirect and is free, equal and secret. Established by the law all Congolese 18 years of age, enjoying their civil and political rights are electors. (“Congo (Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2015”).

====Costa Rica====
According to Title VIII, Chapter II, all birthright citizens 18 years or older and naturalized citizens, 12 months or greater after naturalization, have the right to suffrage facilities. (Constitute Project, “Costa Rica’s Constitution of 1949 with revisions through 2020).

====Croatia====
Under Title II, Article 45, all birthright citizens 18 years or older, have access to universal, and equal suffrage through secret and direct ballots to determine the Croatian Parliament, President of the Republic of Croatia, and the European Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Croatia’s Constitution of 1991 with revisions through 2013).

====Cuba====
Article 205 of Cuba’s Constitution states that voting is the right of all Cuban citizens over the age of 16 unless they have been judicially disqualified to vote. Article 104 states that the National Assembly of the People’s Power is made up of representatives elected via direct, free, and secret elections. Additionally, Article 126 states that the President is elected by similar principles. (Constitute Project, “Cuba’s Constitution of 2019).

====Cyprus====
Under Article 63, Part II, all birthright citizens at the age of 18 years or older are eligible to be electors in either the Greek or Turkish electoral list based on their own nationality. Within each list the elector may vote for their respective representative. (Constitute Project, “Cyprus’ Constitution of 1960 with revisions through 2013).

====Czech Republic====
According to Chapter I, Article 56, all citizens at the age of 18 years or older have a right to direct and universal voting. Under Chapter 2, this voting is done by secret ballot and is based on proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Czech Republic’s Constitution of 1993 with revisions through 2013).

====Denmark====
Under Part 4, all citizens who are permanent residents of Denmark and are at the age of suffrage, which is set by referendum, can vote in Folketing elections. (Constitute Project, “Denmark’s Constitution of 1953).

====Djibouti====
Under Title I, Article V, all Djiboutian nationals of majority have a right to Suffrage regardless of gender. (Constitute Project, “Djibouti’s Constitution of 1992 with revisions through 2010).

====Dominica====
Under Chapter III, Part 1, any resident who is a birthright citizen or naturalized citizen of Dominica and is over the age of 18 has a right to suffrage via a secret and unimposed ballot unless this right has been taken away by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Dominica’s Constitution of 1978 with revisions through 2014).

====Dominican Republic====
Article 208 in the Dominican Republic’s constitution grants the right of universal, direct, free, and secret suffrage to all citizens over the age of 18, with the exceptions of Members of the Armed Forces and individuals whose rights have been revoked by courts. (Constitute Project, “Dominican Republic’s Constitution of 2015).

====East Timor====
Article 47 of the Constitution grants those over the age of 17 the right to vote. Voting constitutes a civic duty and is personal (Constitute Project, “Timor-Leste's Constitution of 2002”).

====Ecuador====
Under Article 62 of the Constitution of Ecuador voting is mandatory for those over the age of 18. Voting is optional for those between the ages of 16-18 and elderly persons 65 years of age and older (Constitute Project, “Ecuador's Constitution of 2008”).

====Egypt====
Part II, Rights and Freedoms, Article 55 of the Egyptian Constitution grants universal suffrage and compulsory voting for every Egyptian citizen over 18. If one fails to vote, they can receive a fine or even imprisonment, but a significant percentage of eligible voters do not vote (Constitute Project, “Egypt's Constitution of 2012”).

====El Salvador====
The Constitution of El Salvador grants its citizens political rights under Chapter III, Citizens, Their Political Rights and Duties in The Electoral Body. Article 71 allows those over the age of 18 to vote and Article 72 secures the exercise of suffrage (Constitute Project, “El Salvador's Constitution of 1983 with Amendments through 2014”)

====Equatorial Guinea====
Under the First Title, Fundamental Principles of the State, Article 2 of the Constitution of Equatorial Guinea grants the people with sovereignty to be exercised by way of universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Equatorial Guinea's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Eritrea====
Eritrea is a militarized authoritarian state and there has not been a national election since the independence from Ethiopia in 1993 (Freedom House, “Eritrea”).

====Estonia====
Chapter III, The People, Article 56 allows for the supreme power of state to be exercised by the people through citizens with the right to vote. Article 57 grants the right to vote to those of the age of 18 (Constitute Project, “Estonia's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Eswatini====
Under Chapter VII, The Legislature, Section 88, Qualifications as a Voter, a person is qualified to vote if they are of the age of 18 and a citizen or ordinarily resident in Swaziland (Constitute Project, “Eswatini Constitution of 2005”).

====Ethiopia====
Article 38 of the Ethopian Constitution grants every Ethiopian national that is 18 years of age, without any discrimination, to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely chosen representatives through universal and equal suffrage (Constitute Project, “Ethiopia's Constitution of 1994”).

====Fiji====
According to Chapter 3, Parliament, Part B, Composition, Section 55, Voter Qualifications and Registration, of the Constitution of Fiji every citizen who is 18 years of age has the right to be registered as a voter, in the manner and form prescribed by a written law governing elections or registration of voters. (Constitute Project, “Fiji's Constitution of 2013”)

====Finland====
Section 14 of the Finish Constitution grants universal suffrage to every Finnish citizen who has reached 18 years of age and has the right to vote in national elections and referendums (Constitute Project, “Finland's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====France====
Under Article 3 of the French Constitution suffrage may be direct or indirect and will always be universal, equal and secret. (Constitute Project, “France's Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2008”)

====Gabon====
Under Title I, Article 4, Suffrage can be direct or indirect, is universal and secret. Gabonese citizens must be at least 18 years of age to vote. (Constitute Project, “Gabon’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====The Gambia====
According to Chapter 5, Article 39, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in universal elections through a secret ballot to freely elect representatives. (Constitute Project, “Gambia’s (The) Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Georgia====
Under Article 37 and Article 74 of Georgia’s Constitution, citizens have the right to vote in local elections and for members of Parliament in fair and free elections by secret ballots. (Constitute Project, “Georgia’s Constitution of 1995 with revisions through 2018”).

====Germany====
Under Article 37 of Germany’s constitution, every citizen over the age of 18 is allowed to vote in elections. Members of the German Butdestag are elected every four years via free, equal, direct, and secret elections (Constitute Project, “Germany’s Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Ghana====
Under Chapter 7, Article 42, every citizen over the age of 18 and of sound mind is eligible to vote in public elections and referendum via secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Ghana’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Greece====
Under Section III, Article 51, every citizen who has met the minimum age requirement of 18, is not legally incapactiated, and has not had the right revoked for criminal actions must vote for members of Parliament via direct and secret ballots.(Constitute Project, “Greece’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Grenada====
Under Chapter III, Part I, any citizen who is 18 years of age or older may vote for his/her district representative for the House of Representatives unless that right has been legally revoked by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Grenada’s Constitution of 1973, Reinstated in 1991 and with Amendments through 1992”).

====Guatemala====
Under Chapter II, any citizen, by definition over 18 years of age, has the freedom of suffrage. Citizens may cast secret ballots to elect the Congress of the Republic, President, and Vice-President. (Consitute Project, “Guatemala’s Constitution of 1985 with Amendments through 1993”).

====Guinea====
Under Guinea’s Constitution, the President and members of the legislature are elected via free, equal, direct, and secret elections. All citizens are allowed to vote as long as they are over 18 and meet citizenship requirements. (Constitute Project, “Guinea’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Guinea-Bissau====
According to Section II, Article 63, The President of the Republic is elected through universal, secret suffrage of the electing citizens. Electing citizens must be 18 years or older. (Constitute Project, “Guinea-Bissau’s Constitution of 1984 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Guyana====
According to Title II, persons 18 years or upwards and either a citizen of Guyana or a commonwealth citizen who has also been a Guyana resident for 1 year may vote in elections for Parliament. (Constitute Project, “Guyana’s Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Haiti====
Under Article 17, Haitians 21 years or older may participate in universal voting regardless of sex or marital status. (Constitute Project, “Haitian Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Honduras====
According to Article 5, voting is seen as a public duty. All Honduras citizens, by definition over the age of 18, are obligated to vote in universal, egalitarian, direct, free, and secret elections. (Constitute Project, “Honduras’ Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Hungary====
Under Articles 2 and 35, members of the National Assembly and of Local government are elected via fair and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Hungry’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Iceland====
Under Article 33, all Icelandic citizens of the age of 18 or older have the right to vote in Althingi. Permanent naturalized Icelandic citizens is a requirement for non-birthright persons who wish to vote. Under Article 5, such persons may also vote for president. (Constitute Project, “Iceland’s Constitution of 1944 with Amendments through 2013”).

====India====
Article 326 of the Constitution provides that the elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage. The Constitution Act of 1988, the Sixty-first Amendment changed the age of voting to 18 (Government of India, “The Constitution (Sixty-first Amendment) Act, 1988”).

====Indonesia====
Citizens of Indonesia vote for members of the People’s Representative Council as long as they are over 17 and have a valid voter ID card. (Constitute Project, “Indonesia’s Constitution of 1945, reinstated in 1959 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Iran====
Under Article 62, the Islamaic Consultative Assembly is elected directly by the people through a secret ballot. Eligible voters must either be birthright citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran or naturalized citizens and of an age dictated by referendums and law. Under Article 6, the President and referendums must also be voted on by the public. (Constitute Project, “Iran’s (Islamic Republic of) Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1989”).

====Iraq====
In Article 20, the Iraqi Constitution states that all citizens shall have the right to vote, elect, and run for office. The voting age in Iraq is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005”).

====Republic of Ireland====
Under Article 16, all Irish citizens over the age of 18 have the right to universal elections of the Dáil Éireann. Under Article 12, all Irish citizens who have the right to vote for the Dáil Éireann have the right to vote for the President through Single Transferable Vote elections. (Constitute Project, “Ireland’s Constitution of 1937 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Israel====
Under Article 5, all Israeli Nationals over the age of 18 have the right to vote in elections to the Knesset, unless a court has deprived them of that right. (Constitute Project, “Israel’s Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Italy====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Ivory Coast====
Under Article 48, any citizen, regardless of gender, who has attained majority is entitled to vote. The vote is free, secret, and a civic duty. The Chamber of Deputies is elected via universal suffrage, the Senate of the Republic is elected via regional voting, (Constitute Project, “Italy’s Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2020”).

====Jamaica====
According to Article 37, any Jamaican citizen 21 years or older may be an elector in elections for the House of Representatives. Any naturalized citizen may also vote in elections for the House of Representatives as long as they have been naturalized for at least 12 months prior to registering to vote. (Constitute Project, “Jamaica’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Japan====
According to Article 15, Japanese citizens have an inalienable right to elect their public officials, both local and to the house of representatives. Universal adult suffrage is guaranteed to all citizens above an age set by referendum. (Constitute Project, “Japan’s Constitution of 1946 with Amendments”).

====Jordan====
According to Article 67, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected by general, secret and direct elections by the citizens of Jordan which will be defined by law. (Constitute Project, “Jordan’s Constitution of 1952 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kazakhstan====
According to Article 86, local representatives shall be elected by the of-age population through universal, secret suffrage for a five year term. In addition, under Article 41, the President of the Republic shall also be elected by the of-age population through universal suffrage via a secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Kenya====
Under Article 38, every citizen has the right to free and fair elections based on universal suffrage. Every citizen over the age of 18 can register as a voter, vote by secret ballot or in a referendum, and run for elected office. (Constitute Project, “Kazakhstan’s Constitution of 2010”).

====Kiribati====
Under Article 64, every citizen of Kiribati who is over 18 and is a resident of one of the electoral districts established by the Kiribati constitution is entitled to be an elector in the district in which he is a resident. The person may then vote for his representative in the Maneaba ni Maungatabu. (Constitute Project, “Kiribati’s Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Kuwait====
Under Article 87, citizens have a right to elect members of The National Assembly every 4 years or if the Emir calls for a special election after dissolving The National Assembly. (Constitute Project, “Kuwait’s Constitution of 1979, reinstated in 1992”).

====Kyrgyzstan====
Under Article 2, all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by equal and direct elections with secret ballots. Citizens vote for the President of the country and members of the Jogorku Kenesh. (Constitute Project, “Kyrgyzstan’s Constitution of 2010, with Amendments through 2016”)

====Laos====
Under Article 4, members of the National Assembly and the Local People’s Assemblies are voted into office via equal and direct voting with secret ballots. The voting age in Laos is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, Laos’s Constitution of 1991, with Amendments through 2015)

====Latvia====
Under Chapter II, Article 6, The Saeima shall be elected in general, equal, and direct elections and by secret ballot through proportional representation by Latvian citizens over 18 years of age. Citizens who are eligible to vote for The Saeima are also eligible to vote in national referendums according to Chapter III, Article 80 of the Latvian Constitution. (Constitute Project, “Latvia’s Constitution of 1992, reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 2016”).

====Lebanon====
Under Article 21, every Lebanese citizen twenty-one years or older has the right to vote in public elections. Elections elect members to the Board of Deputies. (Constitute Project, Lebanon’s Constitution of 1926 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Lesotho====
Under Article 57, Citizens of Lesotho who are 18 years of age or older and reside in Lesotho may vote in elections to The National Assembly, which is the first chamber of the Lesotho government. (Constitute Project, “Lesotho’ Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Liberia====
Under Article 83, Citizens of Liberia may vote for the President, Vice-President, members of the Senate, members of The House of Representatives, and referendum once they meet the legal adult age as dictated by law. (Constitute Project, Liberia’s Constitution of 1986”).

====Libya====
Under Article 18, The National Transitional Council is the electoral body responsible for electing the President of Libya. This council consists of members of the local councils throughout the country. (Constitute Project, Libya’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Liechtenstein====
According to Article 46, Parliament shall consist of 25 publicly selected representatives that will be elected through secret, universal, and direct suffrage by Liechtenstein citizens over the age set by law. (Constitute Project, “Liechtenstein’s Constitution of 1921 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Lithuania====
According to Article 78, any citizen who has reached the age of 18 by election day has a right to vote in public, direct, and secret elections for the President of the Republic. Under Article 34, those who are eligible to vote for the President of the Republic may also participate in the elections of the Seimas. (Constitute Project, “Lithuania’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Luxembourg====
Under Article 32bis, The Deputies of the Chamber of Deputies are elected by universal suffrage following the rules of proportional representation. Any Luxembourg citizen of the age of 18 or older is eligible to vote in these elections according to Article 52. (Constitute Project, “Luxembourg’s Constitution of 1868 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Madagascar====
Under Article 5, Madagascar’s Constitution grants universal suffrage via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Madagascar is 18 years old. Additionally, Article 45 states that the President of the Republic is voted into office every 5 years by universal direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Madagascar's Constitution of 2010 ”).

====Malawi====
Under Article 77, an eligible voter must be a citizen of Malawi or a Malawi resident of at least 7 years, 18 years of age or older, and a resident of the constituency of which they are trying to vote. If all of these are true, the voter may participate in general elections, by-elections, presidential elections, local government elections, and referendums. (Constitute Project, “Malawi’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Malaysia====
Under Article 119, every citizen of Malaysia who is the age of 21 years or older, is a resident in a constituency, and is registered as an elector in the constituency in which he/she resides is eligible to vote in elections to the House of Representatives or the Legislative Assembly. (Constitute Project, “ Malaysia’s Constitution of 1957 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Maldives====
According to Article 26, every citizen over the age of 18 has the right to vote in elections and public referendums via secret ballots and run for office in the Maldives. According to Article 10, the President is elected by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Maldives’s Constitution of 2008 ”).

====Mali====
According to Article 27, suffrage is granted to all citizens of Mali over the age of 18 to participate in universal, equal, and secret elections. The President of Mali is elected every 5 years by an absolute majority of votes. Additionally, under Article 61, the Deputies are elected every 5 years via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Mali’s Constitution of 1992 ”).

====Malta====
According to Article 57, a citizen of Malta over the age of 18 and currently residing in Malta may vote in secret elections via transferable voting. These public elections are used to determine the members of the House of Representatives through proportional representation. (Constitute Project, “Malta’s Constitution of 1964 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Marshall Islands====
According to Section 3, elections of the members of Nitijela shall be conducted via a secret ballot system based on universal suffrage of those who have attained the age of 18 years or greater unless they are certified insane or are currently serving time for a felony. (Constitute Project, “Marshall Islands’ Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1995”).

====Mauritania====
Under Article 3, suffrage, both indirect and direct, must be universal, equal, and secret and is a right provided to everyone who has met the legal age requirement regardless of gender. Article 26 states that The President is elected by universal suffrage. Under Article 47, the Deputies to the National Assembly are elected via direct suffrage, however the senators are elected via indirect suffrage in order to represent the all territories of The Republic. (Constitute Project, “Mauritania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Mauritius====
Under Article 42, a person may be an elector if they are a citizen of at least 18 years of age and reside in the constituency in which they wish to vote. Electors shall elect members of The Parliament of Mauritius which consists of 70 members and elects the President. (Constitute Project, “Mauritius’ Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Mexico====
Under Article 52, Mexicans of 18 years of age or older may participate in public elections. The House of Representatives shall be elected 1/3rd through uninominal voting and 2/3rds through proportional representation. All 128 senators shall be elected via majority voting by their own state. Under Article 41, elections of the legislative branch and executive branch shall be free, authentic, and periodical through universal and direct voting. (Constitute Project, “Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Federated States of Micronesia====
Under Article VI, a citizen of 18 years of age or greater may vote in secret national elections to the Senate. Law shall determine the length of time one must be a resident to register to vote. Conviction of a crime and insanity remove ones ability to vote. (Constitute Project, “Micronesia’s (Federal States of) Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 1990”).

====Moldova====
Under Article 38, all citizens who have attained 18 years of age have a right to suffrage unless prevented by law. Article 61 states that elections for the Parliament shall be elected by universal, direct, equal, secret, and freely expressed suffrage. Under Article 78, the President shall be elected by similarly run elections with a majority needed to become elected. If a majority is not found after the first ballot, a second ballot will be voted upon with the top two candidates to determine the winner. (Constitute Project, “Moldova’s (Republic of) Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Monaco====
According to Article 53, the 24 members of The National Council are elected by direct universal suffrage. Electors are Monegasque citizens, of either gender, who have reached 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Monaco’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Mongolia====
According to Article 21, members of The State Great Hural shall be elected by citizens who are qualified to vote, via universal, free, and direct voting. Under Article 31, each political party in The State Great Hural may provide one nominated presidential candidate which the citizens may vote on. (Constitute Project, “Mongolia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Montenegro====
The Constitution of Montenegro states that citizens (age 18 or older) are entitled to vote in national elections for members of Parliament and for the President. (Constitute Project, “Montenegro’s Constitution of 2007 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Morocco====
Article 2 of Morocco’s Constitution states that representatives are elected by the people via principles of universal and free suffrage. Article 30 expands on the claim to universal suffrage stating that voting is a “personal right and national duty” granted to Moroccan citizens (age 18 and older). (Constitute Project, “Morocco’s Constitution of 2011”).

====Mozambique====
Under Article 73, citizens of Mozambique are granted the right of universal, direct, and equal suffrage by secret ballot. Citizens of Mozambique can vote once they are 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Mozambique’s Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Myanmar====
Article 391 of Myanmar’s Constitution states that citizens at least 18 years old have the right to vote for each Hluttaw of their constituency. The only individuals that are not allowed to vote are those 1) “members of religious orders,” 2) those serving sentences, 3) incompetent individuals, 4) individuals otherwise disqualified by law. (Constitute Project, “Myanmar’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Namibia====
Under Article 17, every citizen of Namibia, who has reached the age of 18, has a right to suffrage. Article 28 states that the President shall be elected under direct, universal, and equal suffrage. The National Assembly, under Article 46, shall be composed of 96 members who are elected by general, direct, and secret ballot. 8 other members shall be appointed by the President. (Constitute Project, “Namibia’s Constitution of 1990 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nauru====
Article 84 states that citizens of Nauru can vote for members of Parliament and for referendums based on the principles of universal suffrage. The voting age in Nauru is 20 years old. (Constitute Project, “Nauru’s Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Nepal====
Under Article 84, any Nepali citizen who has attained the age of 18 years has a right to suffrage. The House of Representatives consists of 165 members to be elected through the post electoral system and 110 elected through a proportional representation electoral system. The National Assembly is voted upon by local elected leaders according to Article 86. According to Article 62, members from The National Assembly and The House of Representatives make up an electoral college to elect the President. (Constitute Project, “ Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kingdom of the Netherlands====
Article 4 of the Dutch Constitution states that every Dutch citizen has the right to elect members of Parliament and run for office, so long as they are over the age of 18. The voting age is set by Parliament. (Constitute Project, “ Kingdom of the Netherland's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2008”).

====New Zealand====
Article 12 of New Zealand’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the electoral rights of voting for members of the House of Representatives by secret ballot and to run to be a member of the House of Representatives. (Constitute Project, “New Zealand’s Constitution of 1852 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nicaragua====
Under Article 2 of Nicaragua’s Constitution, Nicaraguan citizens are granted the right of “sovereign power through their representatives” via equal, direct, universal and secret suffrage. Articles 132, 146, and 178 grant the right for citizens to vote for the President, legislators in the National Assembly, and local officials. (Constitute Project, “ Nicaragua’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Niger====
Article 7 of Niger’s Constitution grants Nigerian citizens over the age of 18 or “emancipated minors'' the right to direct and indirect suffrage via equal, free, and secret ballots. Articles 47 and 84 states that the President and The Deputies are elected via universal suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Niger’s Constitution of 2010 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Nigeria====
Article 4 of Nigeria’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for members of the House of Assembly. Article 117 states that any citizen over the age of 18 that is registered to vote may do so in these elections. (Constitute Project, “ Nigeria’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====North Korea====
Under Article 6, citizens of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are granted the right of universal, equal and direct suffrage. Citizens over the age of 17 can vote for members of the Supreme People’s Assembly according to Article 89 and the local People’s Assembly under Article 138. (Constitute Project, “ North Korea’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2016”).

====North Macedonia====
Article 22 in the Constitution of North Macedonia grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in universal and direct elections with secret ballots. If a person is “deprived of the right to practice their profession by a court verdict,” they lose their right to vote. Citizens vote for the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia under Article 62 and the President of the Republic under Article 81. (Constitute Project, “North Macedonia (Republic of)'s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Norway====
Article 50 of Norway’s Constitution grants nearly all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote. Citizens residing outside Norway during the election or who “Suffer from a seriously weakened mental state” are subject to the determination of law on whether or not they may vote. (Constitute Project, “Norway's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Oman====
Under Article 58bis 9 of Oman’s Constitution, members of the Majlis Al Shura are elected through direct and secret votes. Citizens of Oman must be 21 or older to vote for these members. (Constitute Project, “ Oman’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Pakistan====
Article 51 states that an individual in Pakistan may vote if they are a citizen, are over the age of 18, are registered to vote, and have a sound mind. Members of the National Assembly are elected via direct and free suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973, reinstated in 2002 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Palau====
Article 7 of the Constitution of Palau grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in National and state elections. The Olbiil Era Kelulau (the legislative body) determines the residency requirements of voting in these elections. (Constitute Project, “Palau’s Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Panama====
Article 135 states that it is the right and duty of all citizens of Panama to vote in their free, universal, direct, and secret elections. The voting age in Panama is 18. Article 150 states that the members of the National Assembly of Panama are voted into office. (Constitute Project, “ Panama’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Papua New Guinea====
Under articles 50 and 126 all citizens over the age of 18 may vote unless they are serving a sentence over 9 months, have been convicted of a crime or have dual citizenship. Voters elect the members of Parliament via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Papua New Guinea’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Paraguay====
Article 118 of Paraguay’s Constitution states that it is the right and duty of citizens to vote in their universal, direct, equal and secret elections. Article 120 states that the voting age is 18 and that Paraguayan citizens living abroad may also vote. (Constitute Project, “ Paraguay’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Peru====
Under articles 111 and 191 the President and the Regional Governors are elected through universal suffrage. The voting age in Peru is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Peru’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2021”).

====Philippines====
Article 5 of the Constitution of the Philippines concerns suffrage, stating that citizens over the age of 18 that have resided in the country for the previous year are entitled to vote. Article 6 states that the members of the Senate, House of Representatives, and the President are elected to office by universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Philippines’s Constitution of 1987”).

====Poland====
Article 62 of the Polish Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote for the President and representatives of the Sejm and Senate and participate in referendums. Article 127 states that the President of the Republic is elected by the people every 5 years via universal, direct, and secret voting. (Constitute Project, “ Poland’s Constitution of 1997 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Portugal====
Article 10 states that political power is exercised via universal, direct, and secret suffrage granted to citizens of Portugal (over 18 years of age). Article 121 states that the President of the Republic is elected via universal, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Portugal’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Qatar====
Under article 93 of Qatar’s Constitution the President is elected via secret ballot by the majority of votes from attending members of the Council. Qatar is not a democracy and therefore citizens have not traditionally had the right to vote for political officials. (Constitute Project, “ Qatar’s Constitution of 2003”).

====Romania====
Article 36 of Romania’s Constitution grants citizens over the age of 18 who are mentally sound and have not had voting privileges revoked in court may vote. Articles 62 and 81 state that The Chamber of Deputies and the President are elected via universal, equal, direct, and secret suffrage (Constitute Project, “ Romania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Russia====
Article 81 states that the President is elected every 6 years via universal, equal, and direct suffrage by a secret ballot. The voting age in Russia is 18 years of age. (Constitute Project, “ Russia’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Rwanda====
Article 2 grants universal and equal suffrage to all Rwandan citizens via direct and indirect elections. The voting age in Rwanda is 18 years old. Article 75 states that the Chamber of Deputies is elected to office via direct universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Rwanda’s Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Saint Kitts and Nevis====
Under article 29 of the Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 are entitled to universal suffrage by secret ballot for the purpose of electing Representatives. Article 38 also grants these same individuals the right to vote in referendums. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Kitts and Nevis’s Constitution of 1983”).

====Saint Lucia====
Article 33 grants citizens (over the age of 18) the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives via universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “ Saint Lucia’s Constitution of 1978”).

====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====
Under article 27 all citizens who are over the age of 18 and meet proper residence requirements are entitled to vote for representatives based on the principles of universal suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’s Constitution of 1979”).

====Samoa====
The Constitution of Samoa has little mention of universal and direct suffrage because the Head of State is appointed by the Legislative Assembly. Members of the Legislative Assembly are elected to represent the 41 territorial villages, however the specifics of voter laws and processes are not described. It is known, however, that the voting age is 21. (Constitute Project, “Samoa’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2017”).

====San Marino====
According to Article 7, suffrage is universal, secret, and direct and is granted to all citizens of the country over the legal voting age of 18. (Policing Law, “San Marino’s Constitution of 1974”).

====São Tomé and Príncipe====
Article 58 of the Constitution grants all citizens over the age of18 the right to vote as long as they are competent. Article 78 states that the President of the Republic is elected by universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “São Tomé and Príncipes’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Saudi Arabia====
Citizens of Saudi Arabia do not typically have the consistent and direct right to vote in elections, especially for national offices. Elections have been held intermittently in recent history. (Constitute Project, “Saudi Arabia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Senegal====
Article 3 of Senegal’s Constitution grants Senegalese citizens over the age of 18 the right to direct and indirect suffrage by equal and secret ballot. Articles 26 and 59 state that the President and the representative assembly are elected via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “ Senegal’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Serbia====
Under article 52 of Serbia’s Constitution all individuals of the proper age (18 years old) and working status are entitled to universal, free, and direct voting by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Serbia’s Constitution of 2006”).

====Seychelles====
Under article 24 of the Constitution of Seychelles all citizens over the age of 18 have the right to be registered as a voter as well as to participate in public affairs and run for office. Both the President and members of the National Assembly are elected into office. (Constitute Project, “Seychelles’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Sierra Leone====
According to article 31 of Sierra Leone’s Constitution, citizens over the age of 18 with a sound mind of the right to register to vote. Article 42 states that the President of Sierra Leone is voted on by these electors. (Constitute Project, “Sierra Leone’s Constitution of 1991, reinstated in 1996 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Singapore====
According to the Constitution of Singapore, citizens vote in two types of elections, parliamentary and presidential. Citizens of Singapore can vote once they are 21 years of age. (Constitute Project, “Singapore’s Constitution of 1963 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Slovakia====
Article 30 of Slovakia’s Constitution states that the right to vote granted to Slovakian citizens is universal, equal and direct. Additionally, it states that citizens have the right to vote for their national representatives and in municipal elections. The voting age in Slovakia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Slovakia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Slovenia====
Under Article 43, all citizens over the age of 18 can vote in the universal and equal elections. Additionally, in some cases, aliens of Slovenia may vote as determined by the law. Article 80 states that the members of the National Assembly are elected via these universal and equal elections. (Constitute Project, “Slovenia’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Solomon Islands====
The Preamble to the Constitution of the Solomon Islands states that their government is based on the principles of universal suffrage. Article 56 explands on this notion, stating that citizens must be registered to vote. The voting age is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Solomon Islands’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Somalia====
Under article 141 of Somalia’s Constitution eligible voters have the right to vote in referendums and by secret ballot in elections. The voting age in Somalia is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “ Somalia’s Constitution of 2012”).

====South Africa====
Articles 1 and 19 of South Africa’s Constitution make note of adult citizens’ right to universal, equal, and fair elections as well as to run for political office. Article 47 states that these adult citizens have the right to elect the members of the National Assembly.(Constitute Project, “South Africa’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2012”).

====South Korea====
According to Article 24 of South Korea’s Constitution, all citizens (over the age of 19) are allowed to vote in elections. Article 67 states that the President of South Korea should be elected based on the principles of universal and direct suffrage. (Constitute Project, “South Korea’s Constitution of 1948 with Amendments through 1987”).

====South Sudan====
Article 56 of South Sudan’s Constitution states that members of the National Legislative Assembly are voted into office based on the principles of universal and fair suffrage by adult citizens of the nation, age 17 and older. (Constitute Project, “South Sudan’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Spain====
Under article 23 of Spain’s Constitution adult citizens (over the age of 18) have the right to participate in public affairs and elect their representatives through universal and free elections. (Constitute Project, “ Spain’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Sri Lanka====
Under Article 88 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution, all adult citizens have the right to elect the President and Members of the Parliament, as well as vote on a referendum, as long as they are registered to vote and are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Sri Lanka’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Sudan====
Sudan’s Constitution grants citizens the right to vote for the President as well as members of the National Legislature. Citizens of Sudan can vote in these elections once they are 17 years old. (Constitute Project, “Sudan’s Constitution of 2019”).

====Suriname====
Article 54 of Suriname’s Constitution gives adult citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote as long as they are registered voters. Articles 57 and 58 states that citizens have the right to vote for the members of the National Assembly barring their right to vote has not been revoked by the courts (Constitute Project, “Suriname’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Sweden====
The Preamble of Sweden’s Constitution notes that their democracy is founded upon the principles of universal suffrage. Article 4 expands on this notion stating that all citizens (at home or abroad) over the age of 18 can vote for the members of the Riksdag. (Constitute Project, “Sweden’s Constitution of 1974 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Switzerland====
Article 136 of the Swiss Constitution lays out the political right for Swiss citizens, stating that all Swiss citizens over the age of 18 (unless they are mentally incapable of doing so) may vote in their free elections. The Swiss legislature can create mandatory and optional referendums. (Constitute Project, “Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Syria====
Under Article 59 of Syria’s Constitution all citizens over the age of 18 and meet the proper “conditions” have the right to vote in elections. Article 57 states that the members of the People’s Assembly are elected by these voters.(Constitute Project, “Syria’s Constitution of 2012”).

====Tajikistan====
Under Articles 49 and 65, members of the Majlisi Namoyandagon and the President of Tajikistan are elected in universal and free elections by secret ballot. Citizens in Tajikistan can vote if they are over the age of 18. (Constitute Project, “Tajikistan’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tanzania====
Article 5 in Tanzania’s Constitution grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to vote in any election. Members of Parliament and the President are elected by the people. (Constitute Project, “Tanzania’s Constitution of 1977 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Thailand====
Article 95 of the Thai Constitution grants Thai citizens of 5 years or more that are registered and are at least 18 years old the right to vote. Article 85 states that members of the House of Representatives of Thailand are elected via direct suffrage by secret ballot. (Constitute Project, “Thailand’s Constitution of 2017”).

====Togo====
Under article 5 of the Constitution of Togo grants all citizens over the age of 18 the right to universal, equal, and secret suffrage. Articles 52, 59, and 141 state that the Deputies, President, and territorial collectivities are voted into office based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Togo’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tonga====
Tongan citizens over the age of 21 who are not nobles, insane or disabled by the definitions of the 23rd Article can vote for representatives, according to Article 64. Citizens living abroad may also vote as long as they are registered. (Constitute Project, “Tonga’s Constitution of 1875 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Trinidad and Tobago====
Under Article 51, citizens 18 years or older and that have proper residence may vote and run for office. Eligible voters elect the members of the legislature and the President. (Constitute Project, “Trinidad and Tobago’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tunisia====
Under Article 54, Tunisian citizens are eligible voters if they are at least 18 years old. Article 55 states that these voters elect the members of the Assembly of the Representatives of the People via principles of universal, free, direct, and secret suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tunisia’s Constitution of 2014”).

====Turkey====
Article 67 of Turkey’s Constitution gives its citizens (18 years old or older) the right to vote, run for office, and engage in political activity. Some members of the Armed Forces and individuals convicted of crimes cannot vote. Articles 75 and 101 grant voters the right to elect the members of the Grand National Assembly and the President via universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Turkey’s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Turkmenistan====
Under Article 119, citizens of Turkmenistan who are at least 18 years old can vote for the President of Turkmenistan, the deputies of the Mejlis, and members of the People’s Council. (Constitute Project, “Turkmenistan’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tuvalu====
Article 87 of the Tuvalu Constitution states that the members of Parliament are voted into office by voting age (18 years old) adults based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Tuvalu’s Constitution of 1986 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Uganda====
Articles 78 and 103 grant citizens of Uganda the right to vote for representatives and the President through processes of universal suffrage by secret ballot. The voting age in Uganda is 18 years old. (Constitute Project, “Uganda’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Ukraine====
Articles 70 and 71 of Ukraine’s Constitution lay out the rights of voters. Ukrainian citizens age 18 or older who are not deemed incompetent can vote in local and national elections based on the principles of universal suffrage. (Constitute Project, “Ukraine’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2016”).

====United Arab Emirates====
Under article 46 of section 1, The Supreme Council of the Union, each Emirate shall have a single vote in the deliberations of the council. According to article 49 decisions of the council and procedural matters shall be taken by majority vote. Article 61 states that the decisions are secret and in an evenly divided vote the Chairman’s vote shall prevail. There are no political parties and, until the beginning of the 21st century, no elections were held. Now, an electoral college meets every four years to select half of the members of the advisory Federal National Council, the other half is designated by appointment. (Constitute Project, “United Arab Emirates's Constitution of 1971 with Amendments through 2004”)

====United Kingdom====
The Reform Act of 1832 was the first piece of legislation to expand voting rights in the United Kingdom. It established that men above the age of 21 who were freeholders of property could vote. Universal suffrage was established with the Representation of the People Act 1969, which extended the right to vote to all persons of age (Anglotopia, "The History of Voting Rights in the United Kingdom")

====United States====
U.S. election laws first were seen in Article 1 of the Constitution, which gave states the responsibility to oversee federal elections. Since then, many Constitutional amendments and federal laws have been put in place to protect voting rights such as the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, and Twenty-sixth Amendment (USA Gov, "Voting and Elections").

====Uruguay====
Chapter 2 article 77 of the 1966 Constitution of Uruguay states that since every citizen is a member of the sovereignty of the nation, they are eligible to vote and participate in the electoral process (Constitute Project, "Uruguay's Constitution of 1966, Reinstated in 1985, with Amendments through 2004").

====Uzbekistan====
The law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage in 1994 granted Citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan the right to take part in public and state affairs both as directly and through their representatives (Legislaionline, "Law on Election of Citizens' Suffrage").

====Vanuatu====
The 1980 Constitution under Chapter 1, National Sovereignty, The Electoral Franchise and Political Parties, entitles every citizen of age thee right to vote (Constitute Project, "Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2013").

====Venezuela====
Under the 1999 Constitution of Venezuela, Article 64, all Venezuelans over the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, Venezuela's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2009).

====Vietnam====
According to Chapter I, Political System, Article 7 of the Vietnmaese Constitution the elections are held in accordance with the principles of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. Under Chapter II, Human Rights and Citizen’s Fundamental Rights and Duties, Article 27 citizens of the age of 18 have the right to vote (Constitute Project, “Vietnam’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Yemen====
Under Part Three, Organization of the State Authorities, Chapter 1, Article 63 of the Yemeni Constitution, The members of the House of Representatives shall be elected in a secret free and equal vote directly by the people (Constitute Project, “Yemen's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Zambia====
Article 75, clause 1 of the 1991 Constitution grants every citizen of Zambia who has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter (Election Access, "Zambia").

====Zimbabwe====
According to ZImbabwe’s Constitution, Chapter 7, Elections, Part one, Electoral Systems and Processes, Number 155, Principles of the Electoral System, elections must be held regularly and referendums to which the Constitution applies must be peaceful, free, conducted by a secret ballot and based on universal suffrage and equality (Constitute Project, “Zimbabwe's Constitution of 2013”).

===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
Other noteworthy written sources that mention an implicit right to vote in a more modern context include Thomas Rainsborough during the British Putney Debates in 1647, where he stated, “I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that Government that he hath not had a voice to put Himself under.” Rainsborough’s speech at the Putney Debates also alluded to a divine right to vote:

"I do think the main cause why Almighty God gave men reason, it was that they should make use of that reason…every man born in England cannot, ought not, neither by the law of God nor the law of nature, to be exempted from the choice of those who are to make laws for him to live under." (Rainsborough)

In the United States, the 1776 Constitution of Virginia was one of the first written sources to establish a protected right to vote, stating that “all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage.” Federalist 52, written by James Madison, also alludes to the importance of voting rights, stating “the definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government” (Avalon Project). Similar to earlier conceptions of democracy as a means of quelling the potential for rebellion, concessions to expand voting rights in Great Britain, in particular, were in large part made by political leaders to “prevent the necessity of revolution” among the population (National Archives). In both of these cases, however, the right to vote was granted solely to property-owning men, and it would not be until the mid-19th Century that the connection between the right to vote and property ownership would be removed in both Great Britain and the United States. Additionally, perceptions of suffrage as a universal right have come about much more recently, with New Zealand becoming the first country to legally recognize suffrage as a universal right in 1893 under Part One of the Electoral Act, which outlined that “every person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards who has resided for one year in the colony” was eligible to vote.

===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
An Aristotelian approach to voting is complex, in part because democracies of his day functioned differently than those today. Aristotle broke the selection of officials into three main categories. The first was selection of officials by lot in which case office would be open to all citizens. Aristotle viewed selection by lot to be a democratic feature. The second category was selecting officials by means of elections, which he considered to be more oligarchic and aristocratic. The third category was a combination of the first two, in which some members were elected for the purpose of certain matters and others were chosen either by lot from all or by lot from a preselected group, or these two groups worked together in the same offices (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b5).

Aristotle outlined election features of different types of democracies that were considered democratic because of their incorporation of the assembly. The first type would be that in which offices were open to all but would be appointed in turn by magistrates. In this case few things would be decided by all in the assembly, but the assembly would decide on the passage of laws and they would approve or withhold the selection of officials by magistrates. Aristotle did not specifically explain how magistrates would go about selecting officials in this type of democracy (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a9). Another type of democracy was one in which more matters were decided by the assembly, including legislation and selecting offices. Offices would be chosen by lot, except in the cases where an office required a special skill or knowledge, in which case they would be chosen by election (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a24). In the final form of democracy, the assembly would decide all matters. Officials would only be necessary for organizational purposes to ensure the assembly ran properly, and officials would not have final judgment on matters (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298a28). In the case of democracies, Aristotle suggested paying the poor to attend the assembly and fining the rich for not. He also recommended limitations on payment for attendance in order to ensure the common people would not outweigh the rich. Aristotle wanted to avoid oligarchy by evening the influence of the rich and the poor, to ensure the common interest was at hand (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b11).

Aristotle also outlined differences in voting procedures in different types of oligarchies as well as mixed regimes and aristocracies and polities. One type of oligarchy was that in which officials were elected from among those who had the requisite amount of wealth. Another type was that in which all who had the requisite amount of wealth shared in rule. There were also cases of aristocracy or polity in which case all had control over matters of war, peace, and taking audits, but magistrates had control of everything else, including laws and electing officials. This type of regime would not be democratic because officials were not chosen by all, or at least not approved by all in the assembly. However, because all still decided on other matters such as war and peace, the regime would not be an oligarchy. “Lot is a democratic feature and will make them [regimes] polities by opening up office to many; election is an oligarchic and aristocratic feature and will either confine office to the wealthy (in which case the regime will be an aristocracy in the sense in which oligarchic polities are aristocracies) or to those with a certain quality or virtue (in which case the regime will be genuinely aristocratic…)” (Simpson 2002, 345). In general, Aristotle believed that rulers should rule in the common best interest, rather than solely in their own best interest (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1279a28). In the case of oligarchy, Aristotle recommended affording the populace the ability to give some input on political decisions, as this could promote peace, even if they were not given power in final decision making (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1298b26).

Aristotle had two large concerns with elections, campaigning and demagoguery. In terms of campaigning, Aristotle was concerned that only the people who wanted to be in office would be, rather than the people who necessarily deserved to be in office. He believed that a man who was worthy of office should accept the position regardless of if he wanted to (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1271a10). He also thought that campaigning “promotes love of honor, the cause, along with love of money, of most voluntary wrongs or deliberate acts of injustice” (Simpson 2002, 118). It is the pursuit of these wrongs that leads to tyranny. Additionally, regarding demagoguery, Aristotle worried that class interests would dominate elections, rather than the good of the whole. To prevent this, he recommended that the populace be divided into local groups for voting in elections. He believed that by voting in such groups, people would be less concerned with their general class interest, and would be more alert to local ties (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1305a28).

While Aristotle strongly believed citizens should participate in politics, he did not support extending political rights to slaves, women, or laborers. He thought that slaves did not possess the intellectual skills to be able to govern themselves, and hence would be subject to the governing of others (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1254b16-23). Similarly, women were viewed as naturally inferior to men with less capability of leading (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1259b1-2). An important point that Aristotle emphasized was that citizens should be ruled by their equals, resulting in a reciprocal equality, unlike that between slaves and their masters or women and men, and therefore women and slaves were not considered citizens. As for laborers and artisans, Aristotle believed that “there is a need for leisure both with a view to the creation of virtue and with a view to political activities,” which laborers and artisans did not have sufficient time for (Aristotle 350 B.C.E., 1329a1-2).

====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====
====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====

In early Indian philosophy, there is little or no mention of voting rights. However, many ancient scriptures in different civilizations mention representative forms of government. In various regions of ancient India, republican governments existed. During the nineteenth century, research into the Buddhist Pali Canon revealed existing republicanism at the time. (Muhlberger, 1998). The Pali Canon provides a far more complete, though somewhat oblique, account of democratic institutions in Indian Philosophy, confirming and expanding on Panini's vision. The Maha-parinibbana-suttanta, the Mahavagga, and the Kullavagga are three of the Canon's oldest and most revered parts. Taken together, they preserve the Buddha's teachings for the proper operation of the Buddhist monastic community – the Sangha – after his death. (Muhlberger, 1998). They were the most reliable source on voting processes in a corporate body during the early Buddhist period. They also provide some insight into the development of democratic thought.

According to Panini, all northern India's states and territories (janapadas) during his time were founded on the colonization or conquest of a specific area by an identified warrior group who still controlled the political life of that area (Basham, 1959). Some of these peoples (known as janapadins by Panini) were ruled by a king who was, at least in theory, of their own blood and maybe reliant on their support (Muhlberger, 1998). Other than that, the janapadins handled their affairs in a republican fashion. Thus, in both types of state, the government was dominated by persons classed as ksatriyas, or members of the warrior caste, as later times would describe it (Hays, 2015). Another example is a republican federation known as the Kshudrak-Malla Sangha which posed serious resistance to Alexander the Great in the 4th century BC. Many more republican regimes in India have been mentioned by the Greeks, some of which were classified as pure democracies and others as "aristocratic republics” (Muhlberger, 1998).

According to Prakash (2006), a vote was called a 'chhanda,' which literally translates to a 'wish.' This evocative word was used to communicate the concept that voting expresses a member's free will and choice. There used to be multi-colored voting tickets called 'shalakas' (pins) for voting in the assembly . When a division was called, they were handed to members and collected by an officer of the assembly called the ‘shalaka grahak' (collector of pins). This official was chosen by the entire assembly. It was his responsibility to conduct the vote, which may be secret or open. However, Indian republics are beginning to sound extremely undemocratic by our modern standards, with real power concentrated in the hands of a few patriarchs representing the leading lineages of one privileged section of the warrior caste.

References:

Basham, A. L. (1959). India as Known to Pāṇini (A Study of the Cultural Material of the Ashṭādhyāyī). By V. S. Agrawala. pp. xx + 549, 3 maps, plate. Lucknow University, 1953. Rs. 50. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 91(3-4), 181–183. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00118544

Muhlberger, S. (1998). Democracy in Ancient India. https://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/h_es/h_es_muhlb_democra_frameset.htm

Prakash, A. (2006). Law relating to elections: an essential revision aid for law students. Universal Law Pub.

Hays, J. (2015). ANCIENT INDIA IN THE TIME OF THE BUDDHA. Facts and Details. http://factsanddetails.com/india/History/sub7_1a/entry-4105.html

====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====

Kant thought that citizens of a state could only be property-owning male or active members of society, and that they were the only individuals who could vote (Kant, 1991, p.27, para.1). With that in mind, as well as his hypothetical social contract theory, maintaining a just state under Kantianism seems unlikely. This is especially true when victims of the system, such as women, youth, the poor, minorities, and others, do not have a voice in what happens to them or their lives through voting and representation. Kant's system is geared on keeping the property owner and independent, while keeping the rest of society silent and dependent (Glawson, 2016). One might expect from this emphasis that Kant would insist that the proper political system is one that not only allows individuals to think for themselves about political issues, but also contains a mechanism such as voting to translate those well-reasoned opinions into government policy.

In his discussion in “Perpetual Peace” of the traditional division of the types of government Kant classifies governments in two dimensions. The first is the “form of sovereignty” (forma imperii), concerning who rules, and here Kant identifies the traditional three forms: autocracy, aristocracy, and democracy, “the power of a prince, the power of a nobility, and the power of the people” (Kant, 1991, p. 100). The second is the “form of government” (forma regiminis) concerning how those people rule, and here Kant offers a variation on the traditional good/bad dichotomy: either republican or despotic (Kant, 1991, p.101). The term ‘republican’ in Kant’s writings, “could be interpreted to represent what nowadays is generally called parliamentary democracy” (Kant, 1991, p.25, para.2). Despotism is defined as a state of unity in which the same ruler makes and enforces rules, thus transforming an individual's private will into the public will. Kant differentiates between a republicanism and despotism emphasizing that a ‘republican’ form of government is “where the executive is separated from the legislature, and the despotic, where it is not” (Kant, 1991, p.29, para.1)

Republics require representation to guarantee that the executive authority exclusively executes the will of the people by requiring the executive to enforce only laws enacted by representatives of the people, not the executive itself. However, a republic may function with just one lawmaker if other people serve as executives (Rauscher, 2016). Kant warns from the danger of a monarch becoming a tyrant. A monarch would enact laws in the name of the people, but the monarch's ministers would oversee enforcing them. Thus, like Rousseau, Kant is convinced that the adage of a republican government is the respect of law by the people and also by the ruler and the sovereign. (Kant, 1991, p.30, para.2). Kant's argument that such a government is republican demonstrates his belief that a republican government does not need real participation of the people in creating laws, even though elected representatives, as long as the laws are issued with the people's entire united will in mind.

When Kant addresses voting for representatives, he conforms to many of the time's prevalent biases. The right to vote necessitates, in Kant’s words, "being one's own master," (Kant, 1991, p.27), which entails owning property or having a talent that can sustain oneself. Kant classes those who are independent as ‘active’ citizens and those who are not as ‘passive’. He also excludes women from voting, claiming that “ [Women] are, on principle, disqualified. But any legislation should always be enacted and carried out as if the passive citizens too were participating” (Kant, 1991, p.27). His thesis is that these people are unsuitable to vote because they lack the ability to reason and have no free choice “being one’s own master” (Kant, 1991, p. 27). The mentally sick and the elderly who are unable to function are further instances of people who lack reason and are not their own masters. According to Kant, the presumption of being "one's own master" is essential for citizenship eligibility. For example, at least in Kant’s time, when a woman got married, her possessions became her husband's, and she is expected to completely rely on him, thus she does not own property and consequently excluded from voting (Glawson, 2017). To summarize, Kant did not believe that married women could be active members of a state or citizens since they are incompetent and dependent by their very nature as women (Glawson, 2017). Thus, Kant believes that just by adopting the people's point of view, a single individual or small group may properly represent the people at large. Insistence on a representative system is not the same as insisting on a representative system that is elected.

Regardless, Kant clearly believes that an elective representational democracy is preferable. Republican constitutions, he says, are more likely to prevent war because, when the people's permission is required, they will weigh the costs of war (fighting, taxes, property damage, and so on), but a non-republican ruler may be immune to such considerations. He also mentions in the "Doctrine of Right" that a republican government represents the people "by all the citizens united and acting via their delegates" (Rauscher, 2016).

References:

Glawson, J. D. (2017, November 24). Immanuel Kant on Suffrage: With a Libertarian Disagreement. Medium. https://medium.com/@JoshuaGlawson/immanuel-kant-on-suffrage-with-a-libertarian-disagreement-d6f149df3658

Kant, I. (1991). Kant: political writings. Cambridge University Press.

Rauscher, F. (2016, September 1). Kant's social and political philosophy. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant-social-political/

====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====

Weberian Thought (3.1.31)
Through the democratic process in which citizens elect their representatives to government, Weberian Thought held the promise that it would be possible to rewrite the historically authoritarian regime of Prussia (Germany at Weber’s time) perpetuated by Junkers, wealthy conservative landowners, and monarchists before the war. (Maley, 2011, p.76). Weber envisioned his model as a counterpoint to both the left's Social Democrats and the right's monarchists and Junkers.

According to Weber, equal suffrage meant equal universal voting rights for working classes who had historically been barred from voting. In his writings on equal suffrage in modern citizenship, he clearly states that equal suffrage is “closely related to the equality of certain fates which the modern state as such creates” (Weber, 1994, p. 105). He explicitly focuses on returning soldiers’ rights, and argues that the equality of the modern state functions in the way that people are equal before death, because the
“most basic needs [of physical existence] on the one hand and, on the other, that most solemn and lofty fact of all are encompassed by those equalities which the modern state offers all its citizens in a truly lasting and undoubted way: sheer physical security and the minimum for subsistence, but also the battlefield on which to die” (Weber, 1994, p.105, para.2)

Weber does not emphasize on women’s suffrage, he does, however, say that women should have the right to vote as long as “they too are ‘fighting’ the war if they do their duty” (Weber, 1994, p.78, line.14). Moreover, in “Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology”, Weber notes that “the woman is dependent because of the normal superiority of the physical and intellectual energies of the male” (Weber, 1978, p.1007). The Weberian Thought on voting was aiming to correct historical gender and class inequities or might at least mitigate the most severe exclusions of women, the urban working class, and the rural peasantry from power and government.

Weber's ideas for equal suffrage might be viewed as a partial erasing of historical discriminatory markings. Weber's suggestions have a deeper element to them than the more neutral sounding ‘counterweight’ to bureaucratic dominance (Weber, 1994, p.104). Equal suffrage emerged as a valuable counterbalance to both types of inequity. Weber saw that the inequities created by capitalism might be just as persistent as those created by prior, more feudal social systems. Against both, Weber advocated for a ‘positive politics’ in which “equal voting rights” means that the individual “is not considered in terms of the particular professional and family position he occupies, nor in relation to the differences of material and social situation, but purely and simply as a citizen” (Weber, 1994, p.103).

During the Russian revolution, enraged workers, students, and returning soldiers took to the streets in protest of the existing regime's ruler, Tsar Nicholas II, who had obstructed their enfranchisement and rights prior to the war and then ordered mass slaughter on the battlefield. Weber recognized their outrage at the collapsing regime, but he dismissed their demands for more revolutionary, far-reaching reform as immature. Although Weber understood the anger of Russian revolutionists against the crumbling regime, he saw it as immature and ‘childish’ (Maley, 2011, p. 99). Weber was concerned that under the Russian revolutionary circumstances of 1918–19, people would respond out of anger and rage, which would be doubly harmful. In “Parliament and Government in Germany under a New Political Order”, Weber had already wondered “whether such explosions unleash yet again the familiar and usual fear of the propertied classes; in other words, it depends on whether the emotional effect of undirected mass fury produces the equally emotional and equally undirected cowardice of the bourgeoisie” (Weber, 1994, p. 232)

In his wartime newspaper writings, Weber made a strategic case for the Social Democratic Party's participation as a disciplined working-class party. Though Weber considered the working class to be too “immature” to take on the role of a ruling class, he praised the discipline and self-control of the Social Democrats' political partners, the trade unions. He said approvingly that “organizations like the trade unions, but also the Social Democratic Party, create a very important counterbalance [not only against the right, but] to the rule of the street which is so typical of purely plebiscitary nations and so prone to momentary and irrational influences” (Weber, 1994, p. 231).

References:

Maley, T. (2011). Democracy and the Political. In Democracy & the Political in Max Weber's Thought (pp. 77-120). Toronto; Buffalo; London: University of Toronto Press. Retrieved July 16, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2ttgq2.7

Weber, M. (1994). Weber: Political Writings. United States: Cambridge University Press.

Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology. University of California Press.

====Process Philosophy====
====Social Darwinism====

Social Darwinism held that human life in society was a fight for survival guided by the principle of "survival of the fittest", proposed by British philosopher and scientist Herbert Spencer. In his later publications, Spencer's devotion to the right of universal suffrage waned. While he views universal suffrage in Social Statics (1851) as a reliable way of keeping government from overstepping its bounds in safeguarding moral rights, he concludes in Principles of Ethics that universal suffrage fails to do so successfully, and therefore abandons his support for it. He subsequently came to the conclusion that universal suffrage posed more of a danger to moral rights than it did to defend them (Spencer on Voting, 1879). Over-legislation was promoted by universal suffrage, especially when it was extended to women, as it allowed the government to take on tasks that were not its responsibility.

Spencer understood that liberalism's fundamental objective has never been to grant people the right to vote, but rather to limit government authority. In Social Statics (1981), he states that “The function of Liberalism in the past was that of putting a limit to the powers of kings. The function of true Liberalism in the future will be that of putting a limit to the powers of Parliaments” (Spencer, 1981, p. 166). The primary motivation for expanding suffrage is to limit or prevent the government's role from expanding. When this aim is challenged, the law of equal freedom may be jeopardized less by suffrage restrictions than by their removal, according to Social Statics (Miller, 1982, p. 492).

Spencer's work emphasizes the importance of changes in the pattern of interrelationships between the individual and the state in social evolution. The gradual decline of government's function in people's lives, according to Spencer, is the key to optimal social evolution in the future (Miller, 1982, p. 493). Before the publication of Social Statics in 1851, Spencer thought that universal suffrage would eliminate class legislation and protect the interests of the entire community. He even criticized the association of ignorance to the working class saying that “it is a great error to suppose that ignorance is peculiar to the unenfranchised.” (Spencer, 1851, p.232, para. 4). In 1860, Spencer emphasized once more that extending suffrage is only justifiable when it is utilized to preserve or extend individual liberty. However, he praised the suffrage expansion brought about by the Reform Bill of 1867, a good example of the triumph of feeling over intellect.

Spencer's views on women's suffrage are similar to his views on allowing workers to vote. Spencer calls for unlimited political equality for women in Social Statics (1851). He portrays women as being cognitively and physically inferior to men in this book, despite the fact that history shows that some women are equal to men in both regards. They have thrived as rulers, scientists, authors, and artists despite institutional constraints (Miller, 1982, p. 494). If many women are inferior, then many men are as well. In either case, the inferior should not be denied the chance to use the faculties they have. However, Spencer had concluded by 1892 that women could not be trusted with unfettered franchise. His rationale was that women are less capable of abstract thinking than males and are more influenced by emotional appeals. Spencer does not give explicit reasoning as to why this is the case. He simply notes in Social Statics (1851) that “[a woman’s] faculties are less powerful [..] because woman is mentally inferior to man she has less extensive rights, amount to ? Just this,--that because woman has weaker faculties than man, she ought not to have like liberty with him to exercise the faculties she has!” (Spencer, 1851, p.158). In addition, “A further difference between men and women is due to the fact that men are liable to military service for the defense of the country in time of war. Since this burden does not fall upon women, they are not entitled to the franchise, until a state of permanent peace has been attained” (Elliot, 2019, p. 205).

References:

Elliot, H., Williams, B. (2019). Makers of the Nineteenth Century Herbert Spencer. United States: Creative Media Partners, LLC.

Miller, W. (1982). HERBERT SPENCER'S DRIFT TO CONSERVATISM. History of Political Thought, 3(3), 483-497. Retrieved July 25, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/26212267

Spencer on voting as a poor instrument for protecting our rights to life, liberty, and property (1879). Online Library of Liberty. (n.d.). https://oll.libertyfund.org/quote/spencer-on-voting-as-a-poor-instrument-for-protecting-our-rights-to-life-liberty-and-property-1879.

Spencer, H. (1851). Social Statics . Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/spencer-social-statics-1851

Spencer, H. (1981). The Man versus the State, with Six Essays on Government, Society and Freedom (LF ed.). Online Library of Liberty. https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/mack-the-man-versus-the-state-with-six-essays-on-government-society-and-freedom-lf-ed#Spencer_0020_330

====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====
====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
Postmodernism evolved during the late 20th century in opposition to modernism and as a response to the Enlightenment. The Enlightenment encouraged a shift from intellectual dependence on the church and theology to a belief in a universal moral and intellectual historical experience legitimated by reason (Woods 1999, 227). Modernism supports the belief in this type of organization of knowledge and the human experience, suggesting that such reasoning would be unified by scientific thinking, teleology, and rationality. Modernism uses reason and scientific procedure to establish universal truths from which knowledge can be claimed and order established. The Enlightenment led to the spread of democratic values in the west, and likewise, influenced the creation of modern democratic institutions, a form of reason in practice (Gaete 1991, 149). An important change that stemmed from modernism and the Enlightenment was the acceptance of human rights as ethical truths. The statement, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations (United Nations 1948) was offered as a universal truth that would provide social order based on the objective reasoning suggested by modernism (Gaete 1991, 149). For example, from this claim, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could uphold that “The will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be universal and equal in suffrage…” (United Nations 1948). From the acceptance of the initial statement of objective rights as a universal truth, equal political participation and voting rights could be theoretically promised.

The postmodern response to modernism reflects a difference in attitude, but does not imply that postmodernism will supersede modernism. In this way, postmodern thinking offers a critique of reason (Woods 1999, 9). According to Sabina Lovibond, “Postmodernism… rejects the doctrine of the unity of reason. It refuses to conceive of humanity as a unitary subject striving towards the goal of perfect coherence (in its common stock of beliefs) or of perfect cohesion and stability (in its political practice)” (Lovibond 1990). Modernism relies on metanarratives, an overarching pattern and interpretation of society, while postmodernism rejects this idea of an “all-encompassing rationality” (Woods 1990, 10).

There are two relevant points to consider regarding postmodernism in relation to voting rights. First off, postmodernists are largely opposed to the hierarchical structure of government and tend to question their trust in institutionalized government (Green & Roberts 2012, 85). Philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard who helped to formulate postmodernism suggests that postmodernists are suspicious of political narratives. Examples of such narratives include the idea of progress that is associated with the Enlightenment and ‘social liberation’ associated with Marxism. Lyotard refers to these types of narratives as “violent” and “tyrannical” for attempting to impose a universal pattern on human experience and knowledge. Instead, Lyotard believes knowledge can only be understood as partial and nonexclusive. According to Lyotard, “Scientists, technicians, and instruments are purchased not to find truth, but to augment power” (Lyotard 1997, 46). Postmodernists are opposed to this type of hierarchical structure, suggesting that older proponents of modernism were “being blind to the destructive and oppressive nature of all totalising ideologies” (Arslan 1999, 205). In terms of voting rights, this ‘totalising ideology’ may be the claim that voting rights provide the best method of citizen political participation. Postmodernists would instead suggest that the human experience is constantly changing and developing, so this ‘totalising ideology’ may not be all inclusive. While they may be in favor of voting rights in practice, they would reject the idea of voting rights and human rights as universal truths, suggesting that successful political commitments are not necessarily the result of institutional calls to universal truths, but rather of continued innovation (Woods 1999, 13).

The second point to consider with regard to voting rights is that postmodernists believe that the marginalized should be accounted for. Postmodernists suggest that meaning is constantly evolving and is contingent on situational factors and dependent on the interpreter. For the individual, postmodernism means liberation from fixed identities. Postmodernists do not believe that metanarratives can describe each individual, but rather believe that identity can be diverse despite sharing a common situation (Woods 1990, 44). They argue, “There must be an attempt to recoup the power of the individual to tell his or her narrative; that is, anti-foundationalism in this guise becomes the access to the control of one’s own politics” (Woods 1999, 21). One way to afford power to the individual may be by means of voting rights for all in order to provide representation for those who are otherwise marginalized and to account for the diverse individual human experience. Postmodernists do not think that minorities and all individuals are correctly represented by political metanarratives, and therefore, they would support representation for all by means of voting as a way to avoid the miscategorization of individuals into metanarratives. In fact, the feminist movement is an example of this type of resistance to popular culture, which has contributed to the spread of postmodernism (Woods 1999, 170).

===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===

Natural Law:

Perceptions of voting as a right under natural law theory have evolved over time. In early natural law theory, the right to vote was not explicitly considered a necessary component of the fundamental goods on which rights and law are founded. Notably, suffrage was not an intrinsic element of Aquinas’s or philosopher John Finnis’s seven fundamental goods–“life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, friendship, practical reasonableness, and religion” (Britannica). While Aquinas posited that “the supreme power belongs to the multitude as a whole, or to that one who represents the multitude,” he never emphasized the importance of expressing the power of the multitude through voting, specifically (Shepard 1913, 114). Additionally in the Second Treatise of Government, John Locke finds that, while natural law and reason compel humans beings to create civil governments to protect their property and grant powers to sovereign individuals and institutions as a “common superior on earth to appeal to for relief,” widely-recognized suffrage is not a natural prerequisite for this tendency (Locke 1689, 15).

Over time, however, suffrage has received more consideration as intrinsic to natural law. Walter James Shepard describes this shift as part of the “theory of the early constitutional regime,” which moved beyond feudal interpretations of political representation and brought about the notion “that voting is an abstract right, founded in natural law, a consequence of the social compact, and an incident of popular sovereignty” (Shepard 1913, 108). The American Civil Rights Movement also brought about more explicit connections between the right to vote and natural law theory. Martin Luther King Jr., widely considered to have based his political philosophy on the tenets of natural law, often rhetorically framed the right to vote as part of the “eternal moral issue” of the Civil Rights Movement, stating that “the denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic tradition” (King 1957). King’s commentary on de facto denial of African Americans’ right to vote echoes later writings by King that more explicitly outline the natural law tradition: “A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law” (King 1963).

Legal Positivism:

Legal positivist interpretations of suffrage prioritize the systems that define, carry out, and protect suffrage and the voting process. Unlike natural law, the right to vote is not intimately connected or not connected to the pursuit of human goodness. Instead, it is a product of positive norms in a given society, and can be codified as a right as long as society and its legislators view it as something worth protecting. According to legal positivist H.L.A. Hart, the right to vote constitutes a “secondary rule”–a rule that regulates how laws in the conventional sense are “ascertained, introduced, eliminated” and enforced (Hart 1961, 92). Whereas “primary rules” control individual action such as speed limits, environmental regulations, or criminal law, the right to vote as a secondary rule regulates the process by which primary rules are created by incorporating some level of public input on who makes the law. Positivist Jeremy Waldron emphasizes the necessity of governmental and legal systems for suffrage, stating that “one has the right to vote only if one’s vote is counted and given effect in a system of collective decision that determines policy, leadership and authority” (Waldron 1999, 233). While positivists emphasize the importance of systems in the creation and validation of voting rights, voting as a right can also be conferred “as criteria of legal validity” in “conformity with moral principles or substantive values” (Hart 1961, 250). Waldron’s discussion of the inherent connection between individuals and the legal systems that dictate large parts of their lives serves as a positivist articulation of voting as a right: “since it is my duties (among others’) whose performance the state is orchestrating, I have a right to a say in the decision-mechanisms which control their orchestration” (Waldron 1998, 310).

Critical Legal Theory:

Some critical legal theorists maintain critiques against rights-based legal philosophies and methodologies altogether, including voting rights. These critiques include notions that rights-based legal thought “produces a kind of isolated individualism that hinders social solidarity and genuine human connection,” that “the use of rights discourse stunts human imagination and mystifies people about how law really works,” and that “legal rights are in fact indeterminate and incoherent” (Harvard). Drawing on historical precedent, critical legal theorists such as Robert Gordon argue that overreliance on rights-based legal strategy can make modest social gains for individuals, but simultaneously impose a limit on the extent to which individuals can make use of such rights and push back against entrenched power structures. Similarly, Cass Sunstein argues that the right to vote is not meaningfully enforced in the United States due to its strict limitation to the public sector:

“The legal system purports to promote democracy through protecting the right to vote
and the traditional freedom of expression; but those rights do not allow for democracy in the private sector, where critical decisions are also made. By safeguarding rights in the public arena and ignoring the private sphere, the legal system has eroded rather than promoted democracy” (Sunstein 1983, 128).

Under this framework, limiting suffrage to a matter of individual rights imposes unnecessary restrictions on when and where it can be enforced.

Not all critical legal theorists agree with the rejection of rights-based frameworks for suffrage. Critical race theorists such as Kimberle Crenshaw believe that “rights can be defended and reconstructed; the critique of rights neglects the historical potential of rights in the real lives of people of color and women” (Harvard). Framing voting as a right can also empower marginalized groups and mobilize individuals to push back against the existing legal status quo:

“The vast majority are able to sustain a ‘dual consciousness’ – recognizing and capitalizing on the revolutionary potential of legal rights while remaining skeptical of the overall social and political order in which rights are currently embedded” (Harvard). While there is broad consensus in critical legal theory that existing legal systems favor historically dominant hierarchies and do not equally protect all citizens’ ability to vote, there is ongoing debate as to whether framing the issue as a matter of voting “rights” is the best course of action.

==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
For several decades, the right to vote has been widely recognized as fundamental to fair, participatory government by a wide variety of international organizations and individual nations. The most prominent example comes from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, which recognized that “every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity...to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors” (UN General Assembly 1966). Regional organizations such as the OAS, OSCE, EU, and African Union also hold provisions emphasizing the importance of maintaining equal access to voting among their member nations (University of Minnesota, 2003). In addition to international decrees and declarations identifying the importance of suffrage, international election monitoring and observation bodies exist around the world to protect citizens’ ability to vote and analyze countries’ electoral processes. There is strong global consensus that voting rights ought to be protected and are an essential element of successful representative democracies.

In an American context, the United States Constitution explicitly protects citizens’ right to vote in Section II of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment, Nineteenth Amendment, and Twenty-Fourth Amendment. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its subsequent amendments also describe the right to vote as an “inherent constitutional right” (H.R. 4249, 91st Congress 1970). Additionally, prominent Supreme Court cases concerning voting rights such as, Reynolds v. Sims (1964), Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections (1966), and Kramer v. Union Free School District (1969) convey the fundamental nature of suffrage, pushing back against previous interpretations by the Court in Minor v. Happersett (1875) that “the Constitution...does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one” (Supreme Court of the US 1875) and even older perceptions of voting as a privilege that had to be earned through societal metrics such as property ownership (Behrens 2004, 232). In Reynolds, the Court established that:

"Undoubtedly, the right of suffrage is a fundamental matter in a free and democratic society.
Especially since the right to exercise the franchise in a free and unimpaired manner is preservative of other basic civil and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized."

Harper concerned the constitutionality of poll taxes, and the Court reasoned that “wealth or fee paying has, in our view, no relation to voting qualifications; the right to vote is too precious, too fundamental to be so burdened or conditioned” (Supreme Court of the US 1966). Kramer similarly outlined that “any unjustified discrimination in determining who may participate in political affairs or in the selection of public officials undermines the legitimacy of representative government” (Supreme Court of the US 1969).
Both majority opinions in Reynolds and Harper also relied upon previous rationale established in Yick Wo v. Hopkins (1886) that “though not regarded strictly as a natural right, but as a privilege merely conceded by society according to its will, under certain conditions, nevertheless [the right to vote] is regarded as a fundamental political right, because preservative of all rights” (Supreme Court of the US 1886).

In spite of these general beliefs legal precedent, certain members of society are still excluded from this fundamental right for reasons that are widely debated. Citizenship, for example, is often a requirement for suffrage. However, some countries, including certain local governments in the United States, allow noncitizens to vote in local elections after they have met certain residency requirements (Earnest). Felons are also often restricted from voting. In most countries with restrictions on felon voting, these penalties only take place when individuals are serving their prison sentence. In the United States, however, felon voting policy, like nearly all electoral policy, is a state decision, and half of all states prohibit felons from voting until the completion of parole and probation, including nine states that prohibit it even after parole and probation (ProCon). Restrictive felon voting policies are indicative to some experts that the United States has “failed to give the right to vote its true status as a fundamental right” (Behrens 275).

In addition to the explicit prohibition of certain individuals from voting, unequal access to voting precincts and absentee drop-off locations as well as reduced voting hours and early voting periods also undermine the extent to which voting rights are protected around the world. Beyond restrictions of where citizens can vote, more explicit voter intimidation and election-related violence are employed even in countries that have signed on to international agreements outlining the importance of voting rights. Partisan gerrymandering, which the Supreme Court has defined as federally “nonjusticiable” in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), also dilutes the impact of certain citizens’ votes, undermining their ability to meaningfully exercise suffrage (Supreme Court of the US 2019).

Additionally, policies implemented to address voter fraud such as voter identification can also limit overall voting access. Critics of voter identification argue that requiring an often-times narrow list of permissible forms of identification puts an undue burden on citizens who are less likely to possess valid identification and constitute a more discrete form of a “poll tax” (Nackenoff). Voter ID cases are often analyzed on a case-by-case basis, as outlined in Crawford v. Marion County (2008), with states’ individual histories of voting discrimination, prevalence of voter fraud–or in many cases “perceptions” of fraud or a lack of “voter confidence”–and evidence indicating deliberate discriminatory intent all playing a role in determining whether or not voter identification satisfies a legitimate government interest (Tokaji).

===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

''Electoral Rights and Europe''

Being a part of the European Union, a citizen of a European country has electoral power in European, national, regional, and municipal levels, though that can bring confusion as to whether or not a European citizen can participate in all of the elections of a particular EU country. EU citizens can vote for European Parliament and municipal elections in any EU country that they live in, though they cannot vote in elections for national parliament nor in regional elections ('Flash Eurobarometer 485 - European Union Citizenship and Democracy', 2020, p. 3).

According to the Flash Eurobarometer 485 of July 2020, 71% European citizens were aware that a citizen of the EU that lives in their country has the right to vote for European Parliament (p. 5). 53% correctly stated that it is false that EU citizens living in their country can vote for national elections. A similar fifty percent split was found with European citizen’s belief of whether other EU citizens not from their country could vote for municipal and regional elections (p. 5).

This data implies that most Europeans recognize their own and others’ right to vote, and that their voting is done in conjunction with European voters from different countries and cultures. This creates an experience of voting that is decidedly international, both in the power that a European has with their vote and also the effects they feel from the votes of others. Voting power is much more expansive than just their own locality, and is instead affecting a much larger trans-national federation.

Later in the report, it shows that 63% of Europeans believe that a citizen of the US is justified in having the right to vote in the national elections of the country that the foreign citizen resides in (p. 6). The countries with the highest number of citizens who thought it justified was Ireland with 77% and Portugal with 74%. The lowest was Denmark with 40% and Sweden with 35%.

With the countries with more citizens that believe it is justified like Portugal and Ireland, the data implies that the right to vote should be expansive and farther reaching, with less importance placed on nationality and more on where someone lives. Moreover, the citizen’s desire for a wider net of participation implies an experience of voting that is too restricted, and far away from being universal.

With countries on the lower end with citizens that believe it to not be justified like Denmark and Sweden, the data implies that their conception of the right to vote is one that should be kept close with the ethnic and cultural natives of the country. The electoral net is too wide, and there would be a greater benefit if voting access were to be restrained and more controlled. This is further supported by the report later on which states that 49% of Danes and 56% of Swedes (the highest percentage) believe that European citizens should only vote in their country of origin (p. 21).

''Encouraging Others to Vote''

The World Values Survey in their 2020 report asked more than 70,000 citizens from 50 countries about what political activism they would consider taking, particularly whether they would encourage others they know to vote in an election.
The results:
* 22% said they have encouraged others to vote
* 26% said they might encourage others to vote
* 48% said they would never encourage others to vote ('World Values Survey Wave 7', 2017, p. 333).
The countries with the highest percentage of those that have encouraged others were Germany with 64%, the United States with 63%, and New Zealand with 62%. The countries with the highest percentage of those that would never encourage others were Myanmar with 79%, Ethiopia and Kyrgyzstan with 76%, and Jordan with 69% (p. 333).

For the countries like Germany and New Zealand with a high percentage of vote encouragers, the act of voting is likely experienced as an important, effective, and social phenomenon where political accomplishments can be reached if there is enough support. Voting is a statement made about the beliefs a citizen has over the contemporary political process, and pride is taken in its expression and public participation. The right to vote is something citizens should both have and take advantage of.

For the countries like Myanmar and Ethiopia with a high percentage of “never encourage” voters, their experience of voting is likely one where voting is unimportant and ineffective, and as a result is either a private or non-existent affair. Likely, the experience of voting is one of pessimism and disillusionment. The political goals of the public are not taken into account and the act of voting is political theater. On the other hand, it is possible also that voting is actively discouraged in these countries in order to uphold the current status quo, and in that case the right to vote is seen as a threat to established power.

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===

Source/Freedom of the Press

2021-08-04T19:24:08Z

Jere: Kant

==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====

Article 31 of the 1964 Afghani Constitution states that “every Afghan shall have the right to express thoughts through speech, writing, illustrations as well as other means in accordance with provisions of this constitution” (University of Nebraska, “Constitution of Afghanistan,” 1964). Every Afghan shall have the right, according to provisions of law, to print and publish on subjects without prior submission to state authorities. Directives related to the press, radio and television as well as publications and other mass media shall be regulated by law.” This clause is now located in Article 34 of the 2004 Afghani Constitution (Constitute Project, “Afghanistan’s Constitution of 2004”).

====Albania====

Article 53 of the 1976 Albanian Constitution states that “citizens enjoy the freedom of speech, the press, organization, association, assembly and public manifestation. The state guarantees the realization of these freedoms, it creates the conditions for them, and makes available the necessary material means” (Andersen, “The Albanian Constitution of 1976).

Today, Part 2, Article 22 of the 1998 Albanian Constitution recognizes freedom of the press, radio, and television as part of its list of “Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms”. Article 22 also states that “Prior censorship of means of communication is prohibited” (Constitute Project, Albania's Constitution of 1998 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Algeria====

Article 19 of the 1963 Algerian Constitution states that “the Republic guarantees freedom of the press and of other means of information, freedom of association, freedom of speech and public intervention, and freedom of assembly” (Middle East Journal, 1976).

Today, Article 54 of the Algerian Constitution protects freedom of the press, stating that “freedom of the press, be it written, audiovisual, or on media networks, shall be guaranteed equally for all public and private media outlets. It shall not be restricted by any form of prior censorship” (Constitute Project, “Algeria 2020”).

====Andorra====

Article 12 of the 1993 Andorran Constitution states that Freedoms of expression, of communication and of information are guaranteed. The law shall regulate the right of reply, the right of correction and professional secrecy” (Constitute Project, “Andorra’s 1993 Constitution”).

====Angola====

Article 35 of the 1992 Constitution marked Angola’s first explicit legal mention of freedom of the press: “Freedom of the press shall be guaranteed and may not be subject to any censorship, especially political, ideological or artistic. The manner of the exercise of freedom of the press and adequate provisions to prevent and punish any abuse thereof shall be regulated by law” (World Bank, “Constitutional Law of the Republic of Angola 1992”).

Today, Article 44 of the 2010 Angolan Constitution maintains that “freedom of the press shall be guaranteed, and may not be subject to prior censorship, namely of a political, ideological or artistic nature” (Constitute Project, “Angola’s 2010 Constitution”).

====Antigua and Barbuda====

Schedule 1, Chapter II of Antigua and Barbuda’s Constitution titled “Protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Individual” explicitly protects freedom of the press (Political Database of the Americas, “The Antigua and Barbuda Constitutional Order 1981”).

====Argentina====

Article 32 of the 1853 Argentinian Constitution states that “the Federal Congress shall not enact laws that restrict the freedom of the press or that establish federal jurisdiction over it” (Constitute Project, “Argentina's Constitution of 1853, Reinstated in 1983, with Amendments through 1994”).

====Armenia====

Article 42 of the 1995 Armenian Constitution protects freedom of the press: “The freedom of the press, radio, television and other means of information shall be guaranteed. The state shall guarantee the activities of an independent public television and radio offering a diversity of informational, educational, cultural, and entertainment programs” (Constitute Project, “Armenia's Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Australia====

Australia has no formal protection of press freedom in its constitution (Australian Human Rights Commission). Australia’s High Court has ruled that an “implied freedom of political communication exists as an indispensable part of the system of representative government created by the Constitution” in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills (1992), Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v the Commonwealth (1992), and Unions NSW v New South Wales (2013).

====Austria====

Article 13 of Austria’s 1867 “Basic Law on the General Rights of Nationals in the Kingdoms and Länder represented in the Council of the Realm” states that “Everyone has the right within the limits of the law freely to express his opinion by word of mouth and in writing, print, or pictorial representation. The Press may be neither subjected to censorship nor restricted by the licensing System. Administrative postal distribution vetoes do not apply to inland publication” (Basic Law of 21 December 1867).

====Azerbaijan====

Article 50 of the Azerbaijani Constitution of 1995 states “The freedom of mass media is guaranteed. State censorship of mass media, including print media, is forbidden” (Constitute Project, “Azerbaijan's Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2016”).

====The Bahamas====

Article 23 of the 1973 Bahamian Constitution states that:

“Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this Article to the extent that the law in question makes provision which is reasonably required for the purposes of protecting the rights, reputations and freedoms of other persons, preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, maintaining the authority and independence of the courts, or regulating telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting, television, public exhibitions or public entertainment” (Constitute Project, “Bahamas (The)'s Constitution of 1973”).

====Bahrain====

Article 24 of the 2002 Bahraini Constitution states that “with due regard for the provisions of the preceding Article, the freedom of the press, printing and publishing is guaranteed under the rules and conditions laid down by law” (Constitute Project, “Bahrain's Constitution of 2002 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Bangladesh====

Bangladesh’s 1972 Constitution states that “the right of every citizen of freedom of speech and expression; and freedom of the press are guaranteed” (Constitute Project, “Bangladesh's Constitution of 1972, Reinstated in 1986, with Amendments through 2014”).

====Barbados====

Barbados’s 1966 Constitution does not explicitly protect freedom of the press, but includes freedom to “receive” and “communicate ideas and information without interference” in its protection of freedom of expression (Political Database of the Americas, “Constitution of 1966”).

====Belarus====

Belarus’s 1994 Constitution states that “No monopolization of the mass media by the State, public associations or individual citizens and no censorship shall be permitted” (Constitute Project, “Belarus's Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Belgium====

Article 25 of the 1831 Belgium Constitution states that “The press is free; censorship can never be introduced; no security can be demanded from authors, publishers or printers. When the author is known and resident in Belgium, neither the publisher, the printer nor the distributor can be prosecuted” (Constitute Project, “Belgium's Constitution of 1831 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Belize====

Belize’s 1981 Constitution states that “nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this section to the extent that the law in question makes reasonable provision… that is required for the purpose of… maintaining the authority and independence of the courts or regulating the administration or the technical operation of telephone, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting, television or other means of communication, public exhibitions or public entertainments” (Constitute Project, “Belize's Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Benin====

Benin protects freedom of the press under Article 24 of its 1990 Constitution: “Freedom of the press shall be recognized and guaranteed by the State. It shall be protected by the High Authority of Audio-Visuals and Communications under the conditions fixed by an organic law” (Constitute Project, “Benin's Constitution of 1990”).

====Bhutan====

Article 7, Section 5 of Bhutan’s 2008 Constitution protects freedom of the press: “There shall be freedom of the press, radio and television and other forms of dissemination of information, including electronic” (Constitute Project, “Bhutan's Constitution of 2008”).

====Bolivia====

Protection of press freedom is located in Article 106, Section III of the 2009 Bolivian Constitution: “The State guarantees freedom of expression and the right to communication and information to workers of the press” (Constitute Project, “Bolivia (Plurinational State of)'s Constitution of 2009”).

====Bosnia and Herzegovina====

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitution does not formally protect freedom of the press. However, Article 4 of the 2002 Law on Communications recognizes freedom of expression across broadcasting and telecommunications (Office of the High Representative, “Law on Communications of Bosnia and Herzegovina”).

====Botswana====

Chapter II, Section 12, subsection 2 of the 1966 Botswana Constitution states that “Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this section to the extent that the law in question makes provision…regulating the technical administration or the technical operation of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless, broadcasting or television” (Constitute Project, “Botswana's Constitution of 1966 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Brazil====

Article 179, Section IV of Brazil’s 1824 Constitution originally protected press freedom: “Everyone can communicate their thoughts, in words, in writing, and publish them in the Press, without dependence on censorship; as long as they will have to answer for the abuses that commit in the exercise of this Right, in the cases, and for the form, that the Law determines” (Political Database of the Americas, “1824 Constitution”).

Today, press freedom is protected under Chapter I, Article 5 of the 1988 Constitution: “expression of intellectual, artistic, scientific, and communication activity is free, independent of any censorship or license” (Constitute Project, “Brazil's Constitution of 1988 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Brunei====

The Brunei Constitution contains no protections for freedom of the press and grants the government powers for “censorship, the control and suppression of publications, writings, maps, plans, photographs, communications and means of communication” in states of emergency” (Constitute Project, “Brunei Darussalam's Constitution of 1959 with Amendments through 2006”).

====Bulgaria====

The first mention of freedom of the press appeared in Article VIII of the 1879 Tarnovo Constitution: “The press is free. No censorship is allowed, and no pledge is required of writers, publishers and printers” (Durzhavna Petchatnitsa, 1906). [Translated from Bulgarian]

Today, press freedom is protected under Article 40 of the 1991 Constitution: “The press and the other mass information media shall be free and shall not be subjected to censorship” (Constitute Project, “Bulgaria's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Burkina Faso====

Article 8 of Burkina Faso’s 1991 Constitution protects freedom of the press: “The freedoms of opinion, of the press and the right to information are guaranteed” (Constitute Project, “Burkina Faso's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Burundi====

Article 28 of Burundi’s 1981 Constitution protected press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression in accordance with the public and the law. Freedom of press is recognized and guaranteed by the State” (Constitution of Burundi).

Title XII, Article 284 of Burundi’s 2005 Constitution protects freedom of the press through the National Council of Communication: “The National Council of Communication has, to the effect, a power of decision notably in the matter of the respect for and the promotion of the freedom of the press and the equitable access of the diverse political, social, economic and cultural opinions to the public media” (Constitute Project, “Burundi's Constitution of 2005”). While this clause does not appear in today’s 2018 Constitution, the National Communication Council is still referenced and maintains similar responsibilities (Constitute Project, “Burundi’s Constitution of 2018).

====Cambodia====

Cambodia originally protected freedom of the press under Section 2, Article 9 of its 1947 Constitution: “Every Cambodian is free to speak, write, print and publish. He may, either by way of the press or any other means express, spread, defend every opinion so long as he makes no unauthorized use of that right or does not tend to disturb the public order.”

Today, Chapter III, Article 41 of the 1993 Cambodian Constitution protects press freedom: “Khmer citizens shall have freedom of expression of their ideas, freedom of information, freedom of publication and freedom of assembly (Constitute Project, “Cambodia 1993 (rev. 2008)”).

====Cameroon====

Section 16 of the 1972 Cameroonian Constitution’s Preamble protects press freedom, citing the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “the freedom of communication, of expression, of the press, of assembly, of association, and of trade unionism, as well as the right to strike shall be guaranteed under the conditions fixed by law” (Constitute Project, “Cameroon's Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Canada====

Freedom of the press is protected under section 2(b) of Canadian Charter on Rights and Freedoms as part of the Constitution Act of 1982:
“Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:
• (a) freedom of conscience and religion;
• (b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication;
• (c) freedom of peaceful assembly; and
• (d) freedom of association.”

(Justice Laws Website, “Constitution Act 1982”).

====Cape Verde====

Cape Verde protects press freedom under Article 45 of its 1980 Constitution: “Everyone shall have the freedom to inform and to be informed, obtaining, receiving, and giving out information and ideas in any form without limitation, discrimination, or impediment” (Constitute Project, “Cape Verde's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Central African Republic====

Article 15 of the 2016 Constitution states that “the freedom of the press is recognized and guaranteed. It is exercised within the conditions established by the law” (Constitute Project, “Central African Republic's Constitution of 2016”).

====Chad====

Chad’s 1959 first protected freedom of the press under Article 5: “the press is free, whatever its mode of expression. The conditions for exercising freedom of the press are determined by law” (Journal Officiel de la Communauté). [Translated from French]

Today, press freedom is protected under Title II, Article 28 of the 2018 Constitution: “The freedoms of opinion and of expression, of communication, of conscience, of religion, of the press, of association, of assembly, of movement, and of demonstration are guaranteed to all” (Constitute Project, Chad's Constitution of 2018).

====Chile====

Chile originally protected freedom of the press under Article XXIII of its 1812 Provisional Constitutional Regulations: “The press will enjoy legal freedom; and so that it does not degenerate into a license harmful to religion, customs and honor of citizens and country; rules will be prescribed by the Government and Senate” (Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile). [Translated from Spanish].

Today, Chapter III, Article 19 of Chile’s 1980 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom to express opinion and to inform, without prior censorship, in any form and by any medium, without prejudice to responsibility for any crimes or abuses committed in the exercise of these freedoms, in conformity with the law, which must be of qualified quorum. In no case can the law establish [a] state monopoly over the media of social communication” (Constitute Project, “Chile's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2012”).

Chile is currently drafting a new constitution.

====China====

One of the earliest references to press freedom came about in 1904, when “the newspaper Dongfang Zazhi (The Eastern Miscellany) published a leading article arguing that in a country where people were allowed to express their opinions freely, its citizens were wiser than those who lived in a country where press freedom was not guaranteed.” This article echoed the sentiment of many leading Chinese intellectuals at the time (Guo 89-90, 2020).

Legally, Chapter III, Article 87 of China’s 1954 Constitution first protected freedom of the press. Today, similar language is located in Chapter II, Article 35 of China’s Constitution: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration” (The National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, “Constitution”).

====Colombia====

The first legal reference to press freedom in Colombia arose in Article 16 of Cundinamarca’s Departmental Constitution in 1811: “The Government guarantees to all its citizens the sacred rights of Religion, individual property and freedom, and that of the press, the authors being solely responsible for their productions…” (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes). [Translated from Spanish]

Today, Title II, Article 20 of Colombia’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every individual is guaranteed the freedom to express and diffuse his/her thoughts and opinions, to transmit and receive information that is true and impartial, and to establish mass communications media (Constitute Project, “Colombia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Comoros====

Press freedom protections first appeared in the Preamble of Comoros’s 1996 Constitution: “Inspired by the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights , it proclaims and guarantees…freedom of thought and opinion, of the press and of publishing, of creation and of literary, artistic and scientific production” (Digithèque MJP, “Constitutional law of October 20, 1996”).

Today, Chapter II, Article 18 of the 2009 Comoros Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of information, communication, and the press are guaranteed within the conditions established by law” (Constitute Project, “Comoros's Constitution of 2018”).

====Democratic Republic of the Congo====

Article 26 of the DRC’s 1964 Constitution first established protections for press freedom: “Freedom of the press is guaranteed to all Congolese” (Digithèque MJP, “Constitution of August 1, 1964”).

Today, Title II, Article 24 of the DRC’s 2005 Constitution protects freedom of the press: “The freedom of the press, the freedom of information and of broadcasting by radio and television, the written press or any other means of communication are guaranteed, under reserve of respect for the law, for public order, for morals and for the rights of others” (Constitute Project, “Congo (Democratic Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2005 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Republic of the Congo====

Article 25 of Republic of Congo’s 2015 Constitution protects press freedom: “Any citizen has the right to express and to freely diffuse his opinion by words [par la parole], writing, images or by any other means of communication. The freedom of information and communication is guaranteed. It is exercised within respect for the law” (Constitute Project, “Congo (Republic of the)'s Constitution of 2015”).

====Costa Rica====

Costa Rica originally operated under the Spanish Constitution of 1812, which protected freedom of the press under Article 131: The powers and duties of the Courts are…to protect the political liberty of the press” (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, “The Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy: Promulgated in Cádiz, the nineteenth day of March”).

Today, Title IV, Article 29 of the 1949 Costa Rican Constitution protects freedom of the press: “Every one may communicate their thoughts by words or in writing and publish them without prior censorship; but they will be responsible for the abuses committed in the exercise of this right, in the cases and the mode that the law establishes” (Constitute Project, “Costa Rica's Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Croatia====

As a former part of Yugoslavia, freedom of the press was protected in Croatia under Article 36 of the Yugoslavian Constitution: “Freedom of the press and other forms of public information shall be guaranteed. Citizens shall have the right to express and publish their opinions in the mass media” (National Legislative Bodies, “Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”).

Today, Croatia protects freedom of the press under Article 38 of its 1991 Constitution: “Freedom of expression shall specifically include freedom of the press and other media of communication, freedom of speech and public expression, and free establishment of all institutions of public communication” (Constitute Project, “Croatia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Cuba====

Cuba’s 1901 Constitution, its first as an independent nation, protected press freedom under Article 25: “Every person may freely, without censorship, express his thought either by word of mouth or in writing, through the press, or in any other manner whatsoever, subject to the responsibilities specified by law, whenever thereby attacks are made upon the honor of individuals, upon social order, and upon public peace” (George A. Smathers Libraries, “Translation of the proposed constitution for Cuba”).

Today, Article 55 of the 2019 Cuban Constitution protects press freedom: “People's freedom of press is recognized. This right is exercised according to the law and for the good of society. The fundamental means of social communication, in any of their forms, are the socialist property of all people or of political, social, and mass organizations, and may not be categorized as any other type of property. The State establishes the principles of organization and operation for all means of social communication” (Constitute Project, “Cuba's Constitution of 2019”).

====Cyprus====

Article 19 of Cyprus’s 1960 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person has the right to freedom of speech and expression in any form. This right includes freedom to hold opinions and receive and impart information and ideas without interference by any public authority and regardless of frontiers” (Constitute Project, “Cyprus's Constitution of 1960 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Czech Republic====

As a part of Czechoslovakia, freedom of the press was protected by Article 113 of the 1920 Czechoslovakian Constitution: “Freedom of the Press as well as the right to assemble peaceably and without arms and to form associations is guaranteed” (Masarykova Univerzita, “The Constitutional charter of the Czechoslovak Republic”).

Today, Article 17 of the 1992 Czech Constitution protects freedom of the press: “Everyone has the right to express his views in speech, in writing, in the press, in pictures, or in any other form, as well as freely to seek, receive, and disseminate ideas and information irrespective of the frontiers of the state” (Constitute Project, “Czech Republic's Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Denmark====

Section 77 of Denmark’s 1849 Constitutional Act states that “Any person shall be at liberty to publish his ideas in print, in writing, and in speech, subject to his being held responsible in a court of law. Censorship and other preventive measures shall never again be introduced” (Folketinget, “My Constitutional Act”). This clause is still located in Section 77 of the 1959 iteration of the Danish Constitution, which Denmark currently adopts (Constitute Project, “Denmark's Constitution of 1953”).

====Djibouti====

Djibouti does not formally recognize freedom of the press, but protects the right to “to disseminate freely their opinions by word, pen, and image” under Article 15 of its 1992 Constitution (Constitute Project, “Djibouti's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Dominica====

Dominica protects the “freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interferences” and protects the “technical administration or the technical operation of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting or television” under Article 10 of its 1978 Constitution (Constitute Project, “Dominica's Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Dominican Republic====

Article 23 of the Dominican Republic’s 1844 Constitution first protected press freedom: “All Dominicans can freely print and publish their ideas, without prior censorship, subject to the law. The classification of printing crimes corresponds exclusively to the juries” (Mi Pais, “Primera Constitución Dominicana). [Translated from Spanish]

Today, article 49 of the Dominican Republic’s Constitution protects press freedom: “All persons have the right to freely express their thoughts, ideas, and opinions by any medium, without having allowed for prior censorship… All information media have free access to the official and private sources of information of public interest, in accordance with the law. The professional secret and the conscience clause of the journalist are protected by the Constitution and the law” (Constitute Project, “Dominican Republic's Constitution of 2015”).

====East Timor====

Article 41 of Timor-Leste’s 2002 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press and other means of social communication is guaranteed…” (Constitute Project, “Timor-Leste's Constitution of 2002”).

====Ecuador====

Article 63 of Ecuador’s 1830 Constitution guaranteed that “Every citizen can freely express and publish their thoughts through the press, respecting public decency and morals, and always subjecting themselves to the responsibility of the law” (Wikisource, “Constitution of Ecuador of 1830: Title VIII”).

Today, Article 16 of the 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution protects press freedom: “
“All persons, individually or collectively, have the right to:
1. Free, intercultural, inclusive, diverse and participatory communication in all spheres
of social interaction, by any means or form, in their own language and with their own symbols.
2. Universal access to information and communication technologies.
3. The creation of media and access, under equal conditions, to use of radio spectrum frequencies for the management of public, private and community radio and television stations and to free bands for the use of wireless networks
4. Access and use of all forms of visual, auditory, sensory and other communication that make it possible to include persons with disabilities.
5. Become part of participation spaces as provided for by the Constitution in the field of communication.”
(Constitute Project, “Ecuador's Constitution of 2008”)

====Egypt====

Article 15 of Egypt’s 1923 Constitution initially protected freedom of the press: “The press shall be free within the limits of the law. Censorship of newspapers shall be prohibited. Warning, suspension or cancellation of papers via administrative means shall also be prohibited unless necessary for protecting social order” (Constitutionnet, “Royal Decree No. 42 of 1923”).

Today, Article 70 of the 2014 Egyptian Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of press and printing, along with paper, visual, audio and digital distribution is guaranteed. Egyptians -- whether natural or legal persons, public or private -- have the right to own and issue newspapers and establish visual, audio and digital media outlets” (Constitute Project, “Egypt's Constitution of 2014”).

====El Salvador====

Article 175 of El Salvador’s first Constitution, which it ratified as a province in the United Provinces of Central America in 1824, protected press freedom: “The Congress, the Assemblies, or the other authorities may not restrict, in any case or by any pretext, the freedom of thought, that of the word, that of writing and that of the press” (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, “Title X. Guarantees of individual freedom”). [Translated from Spanish]

Today, Article 6 of El Salvador’s 1983 Constitution contains some protections for freedom of the press: “Every person may freely express and disseminate his thoughts provided they do not subvert the public order nor injure the moral, honor or private lives of others. The exercise of this right shall not be subject to previous examination, censorship or bond; but those who infringe on the laws [while] making use of this right, shall respond for the offense they commit” (Constitution Project, “El Salvador's Constitution of 1983 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Equatorial Guinea====

Equatorial Guinea’s 1991 Constitution contains no explicit press freedom protections (Constitute Project, “Equatorial Guinea's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Eritrea====

Article 19 of the 1997 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person shall have the freedom of speech and expression, including freedom of the press and other media” (Constitute Project, “Eritrea's Constitution of 1997”).

====Estonia====

Paragraph 13 of Estonia’s 1920 Constitution first outlined protections on press freedom: “In Estonia there is freedom for the expression of personal ideas in words, print, letters, pictures, and sculpture. This freedom can be restricted only in the defense of the State and morals” (Wikisource, “Constitution of the Esthonian Republic (1920)”).

Today, Article 45 of Estonia’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freely disseminate ideas, opinions, beliefs and other information by word, print, picture or other means” (Constitute Project, “Estonia's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Eswatini====

Article 24 of Eswatini’s 2005 Constitution protects press freedom: “A person shall not except with the free consent of that person be hindered in the enjoyment of the freedom of expression, which includes the freedom of the press and other media” (Constitute Project, “Eswatini's Constitution of 2005”).

====Ethiopia====

Freedom of the press was first protected under Article 41 of Ethiopia’s 1955 Constitution: “Freedom of speech and of the press is guaranteed throughout the Empire in accordance with the law.”

Today, Article 29 of Ethiopia’s 1994 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press and other mass media and freedom of artistic creativity is guaranteed. Freedom of the press shall specifically include the following elements:
a. Prohibition of any form of censorship. b. Access to information of public interest.” (Constitute Project, “Ethiopia's Constitution of 1994”).

====Fiji====

Although it did not explicitly protect press freedom, Fiji’s 1970 Constitution did protect “freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference, and freedom from interference with…correspondence” (PacLII, “Fiji Independence Order 1970 and Constitution of Fiji”).

Today, Article 17 of Fiji’s 2013 Constitution explicitly protects press freedom: “Every person has the right to freedom of speech, expression, thought, opinion and publication, which includes… freedom of the press, including print, electronic and other media” (Constitute Project, “Fiji's Constitution of 2013”).

====Finland====

Section 10 of Finland’s 1919 Constitution Act included the “right to impart, publish and receive information, opinions and other communications without prior hindrance from anyone” as part of its protections on freedom of expression (National Legislative Bodies, “Constitution Act of Finland”).

Today, Section 12 of Finland’s 1999 Constitution protects the “right to express, disseminate and receive information, opinions and other communications without prior prevention by anyone” as part of its protections on freedom of expression (Constitute Project, “Finland's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====France====

The importance of press freedom was originally emphasized in Article XI of the 1789 Declaration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen: “The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may, accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, but shall be responsible for such abuses of this freedom as shall be defined by law” (Yale Law School, “Declaration of the Rights of Man – 1789”).

This clause is now contained in Article 11 of the France’s 1958 Constitution (Constitute Project, “France's Constitution of 1958 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Gabon====

Article 94 of Gabon’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “Audiovisual and written communication is free in the Gabonese Republic, restricted only by respect of the public order, liberty and dignity of its citizens” (Constitute Project, “Gabon's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====The Gambia====

Article 20 of The Gambia’s 1965 Constitution protected “freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference (whether the communication be to the public generally or to any person or class of persons) and freedom from interference with his correspondence” under its protection of freedom of expression (Citizenship Rights Africa, “The Gambia Independence Order 1965”).

Today, Article 25 of The Gambia’s 1996 Constitution guarantees that “Every person shall have the right to… freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media” (Constitute Project, “Gambia (The)'s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Georgia====

Article 23 of Georgia’s 1995 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone shall be free to receive and impart information, to express and disseminate his/her opinion orally, in writing, or otherwise. Mass media shall be free. Censorship shall be inadmissible” (Constitute Project, “Georgia's Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Germany====

Press freedom was first protected under Article 4 of the 1849 Frankfurt Constitution: “The freedom of the press shall be suspended under no circumstances through preventive measures, namely, censorship, concessions, security orders, imposts, limitation of publication or bookselling, postal bans, or other restraints” (Wadsworth, “Frankfurt Constitution of 1849”).

Article 5 of Germany’s 1949 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press and freedom of reporting by means of broadcasts and films shall be guaranteed. There shall be no censorship” (Constitute Project, “Germany's Constitution of 1949 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Ghana====

Ghana’s 1979 Constitution protected the right “to receive and impart ideas and information. without interference, and freedom from interference with his correspondence” (Constitutionnet, “Constitution of the Third Republic of Ghana (Promulgated) Decree, 1979”).

Today, Article 21 of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media” (Constitute Project, “Ghana's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Greece====

Article 14 of Greece’s 1975 Constitution protects press freedom: “The press is free. Censorship and all other preventive measures are prohibited…The seizure of newspapers and other publications before or after circulation is prohibited” (Constitute Project, “Greece's Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2008”).

====Grenada====

Article 10 of Grenada’s 1973 Constitution protects the “freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference (whether the communication be to the public generally or to any person or class of persons) and freedom from interference with his correspondence” as well as the “technical administration or the technical operation of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting or television” (Constitute Project, “Grenada's Constitution of 1973, Reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 1992”).

====Guatemala====

Article 175 of Guatemala’s first Constitution, which it ratified as a province in the United Provinces of Central America in 1824, protected press freedom: “The Congress, the Assemblies, or the other authorities may not restrict, in any case or by any pretext, the freedom of thought, that of the word, that of writing and that of the press” (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, “Title X. Guarantees of individual freedom”). [Translated from Spanish]

Today, Article 35 of Guatemala’s 1985 Constitution protects press freedom: “The publications which contain denunciations, criticisms, or accusations [imputaciones] against functionaries or public employees for actions conducted in the performance of their duties[,] do not constitute a crime or a fault…The activity of the means of social communication is of public interest and in no case may they be expropriated. They may not be closed, attached [embargados], interfered with, confiscated, or seized [decomisados], nor may the enterprises, plants, equipment, machinery, and gear [enseres] of the means of communication be interrupted in their functioning, for faults or crimes in the expression of thought. The access to the sources of information is free and no authority may limit this right” (Constitute Project, “Guatemala's Constitution of 1985 with Amendments through 1993”).

====Guinea====

Article 7 of the 1990 Guinean Constitution protected freedom to “express, manifest, disseminate…ideas and opinions through speech, writing and image. He is free to learn and obtain information from sources accessible to all” (WIPO, “Constitution du 23 décembre 1990”) [Translated from French]

Today, Article 7 of Guinea’s 2010 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of the Press is guaranteed and protected. The creation of an organ of [the] press or of [the] media for political, economical, social, cultural, sports, recreational or scientific information is free” (Constitute Project, “Guinea's Constitution of 2010”).

====Guinea-Bissau====

Article 51 of Guinea-Bissau’s 1984 Constitution protects the right “to inform, look for information and be informed without any hindering or discrimination” (Constitute Project, “Guinea-Bissau's Constitution of 1984 with Amendments through 1996”).

====Guyana====

Article 146 of Guyana’s 1980 Constitution protects “freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference and freedom from interference with his correspondence” (National Legislative Bodies, “Constitution of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana”).

====Haiti====

Article 27 of Haiti’s 1843 Constitution was its first to protect press freedom: “Everyone has the right to express their opinions in any matter, to write, print and publish their thoughts” (Digithèque MJP, “Constituion du 30 décembre 1843”).

Article 28-1 of Haiti’s 1987 Constitution protects press freedom: “Journalists shall freely exercise their profession within the framework of the law. Such exercise may not be subject to any authorization or censorship, except in the case of war” (Constitute Project, “Haiti's Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Honduras====

Article 117 of the 1839 Honduran Constitution first protected press freedom: “It will not be possible to restrict in any case or by any pretext, the freedom of thought, of the word, that of writing, or that of the press” (Bufeterosa, “Constitucion de 1839”). [Translated from Spanish]

Article 72 of the 1982 Honduran Constitution states that “expression of thought shall be free, and be expressed through any means of dissemination, without prior censorship” (Constitute Project, “Honduras's Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Hungary====

Hungary first protected press freedom under Article 61 of its 1949 Constitution: “The Republic of Hungary recognizes and respects the freedom of the press” (OHCHR, “Act XX of 1949”).

Article IX of the 2011 Hungarian Constitution protects press freedom: “Hungary shall recognise and protect the freedom and diversity of the press, and shall ensure the conditions for free dissemination of information necessary for the formation of democratic public opinion” (Constitute Project, “Hungary's Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Iceland====

Iceland’s first press freedom protections came while it was a part of Denmark under Section 77 of the 1849 Danish Constitutional Act (see above).

Today, Freedom of the press is not explicitly protected in Iceland’s 1944 Constitution. However, Article 73’s protections for freedom of expression extend to the press: “Everyone shall be free to express his thoughts, but shall also be liable to answer for them in court. The law may never provide for censorship or other similar limitations to freedom of expression” (Constitute Project, “Iceland's Constitution of 1944 with Amendments through 2013”).

====India====

India’s 1949 Constitution does not explicitly protect press freedom, but it is conventionally understood that Article 19 protections on freedom of expression legally extend to the press (Gaur 1994, p. 429).

====Indonesia====

Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution does not formally protect freedom of the press, but does protect freedom of expression (Constitute Project, “Indonesia's Constitution of 1945, Reinstated in 1959, with Amendments through 2002”). Indonesia Law No. 40 in 1999 outlined explicit protections for press freedom: “the freedom of the press is one of the many embodiments of the sovereignty of the people and is the utmost important element in creating a democratic society, nation and state in order to insure the freedom of expressing ideas and opinions as stated in Article 28 of the Indonesian Constitution of 1945” (Human Rights and Peace for Papua, “Indonesian Law No. 40 in 1999 on Press”).

====Iran====

Freedom of expression and, by extension, freedom of the press was protected under Article 20 of the “Rights of the Persian Nation” section of the 1906 Iranian Constitution: “All publications, except heretical books and matters hurtful to the perspicuous religion [of Islám] are free, and are exempt from the censorship. If, however, anything should be discovered in them contrary to the Press law, the publisher or writer is liable to punishment according to that law. If the writer be known, and be resident in Persia, then the publisher, printer and distributor shall not be liable to prosecution” (Wikisource, “Iran Constitution of 1906”).

Today, Article 24 of the 1979 Iranian Constitution discusses protections for press freedom, with some caveats: “Publications and the press have freedom of expression except when it is detrimental to the fundamental principles of Islam or the rights of the public. The details of this exception will be specified by law” (Constitute Project, “Iran (Islamic Republic of)'s Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1989”).

====Iraq====

Article 12 of Iraq’s 1925 Constitution first protected press freedom: “Freedom of expression of opinion, liberty of publication, of meeting together, and of forming and joining associations is guaranteed to all Iraqis within such limits as may be prescribed by law” (Global Justice Project, “Constitution of the Kingdom of Iraq (1925)”).

Article 38 of Iraq’s 2005 Constitution protects press freedom: “The State shall guarantee in a way that does not violate public order and morality… Freedom of press, printing, advertisement, media and publication” (Constitute Project, “Iraq's Constitution of 2005”).

====Republic of Ireland====

Article 40 of the 1937 Irish Constitution provides Ireland’s first explicit protections for press freedom: “the State shall endeavour to ensure that organs of public opinion, such as the radio, the press, the cinema, while preserving their rightful liberty of expression, including criticism of Government policy, shall not be used to undermine public order or morality or the authority of the State” (Constitute Project, “Ireland's Constitution of 1937 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Israel====

Israel has no formal protections on freedom of the press in their Basic Law and according to Freedom House, “the Knesset consistently refuses to pass legislation that would incorporate it into the Basic Laws.” However, the Israeli Supreme Court has “affirmed that freedom of expression is an essential component of human dignity” and has issued rulings protecting press freedom as a foundational principle of Israel’s Declaration of Independence (Freedom House, “Freedom of the Press 2017 – Israel”).

====Italy====

Article 21 of Italy’s 1948 Constitution protects press freedom: “Anyone has the right to freely express their thoughts in speech, writing, or any other form of communication. The press may not be subjected to any authorisation or censorship” (Constitute Project, “Italy's Constitution of 1947 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Ivory Coast====

Ivory Coast’s 1960 Constitution described the facilitation of telecommunication as fundamental, but did not explicitly mention freedom of the press (Présidence de la République de Côte d’Ivoire, “Constitution 1ère Republique”). [Translated from French]

Today, Ivory Coast’s 2016 Constitution contains no explicit mention of freedom of the press, but Article 19 protects the “right to express and disseminate their ideas freely” under their protections of freedom of expression (Constitute Project, “Côte d'Ivoire's Constitution of 2016”).

====Jamaica====

Article 13 of Jamaica’s 1962 Constitution protects press freedom: “The rights and freedoms referred to in subsection (2) are as follows… the right to seek, receive, distribute or disseminate information, opinions and ideas through any media” (Constitute Project, “Jamaica's Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Japan====

Japan’s 1889 Meiji Constitution protected press freedom under Article 29: “Japanese subjects shall within the limits of the law, enjoy the liberty of speech, writing, publication, public meeting and association” (Constitute Project, “Japan's Constitution of 1889”).

Today, Article 21 of Japan’s 1947 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of assembly and association as well as speech, press and all other forms of expression are guaranteed.
No censorship shall be maintained, nor shall the secrecy of any means of communication be violated” (Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet, “The Constitution of Japan”).

====Jordan====

Article 15 of Jordan’s 1952 Constitution guarantees freedom of the press: “Freedom of the press and publications shall be ensured within the limits of the law” (Refworld, “The Constitution of The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan”).

====Kazakhstan====

Article 20 of the 1995 Kazakhstan Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone shall have the right to freely receive and disseminate information by any means not prohibited by law. The list of items constituting state secrets of the Republic of Kazakhstan shall be determined by law” (Legislation Online, “The Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan”).

====Kenya====

Article 34 of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution guarantees freedom of the media: “Freedom and independence of electronic, print and all other types of media is guaranteed…” (Constitute Project, “Kenya's Constitution of 2010”).

====Kiribati====

Kiribati’s 1979 Constitution contains no explicit press freedom protections, but Article 12’s freedom of expression protections extend “freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference and freedom from interference with his correspondence” (Constitute Project, “Kiribati's Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Kuwait====

Article 37 of the Kuwait’s 1962 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press and of publication is guaranteed, subject to the conditions and stipulations prescribed by Law” (Constitute Project, “Kuwait's Constitution of 1962, Reinstated in 1992”).

====Kyrgyzstan====

Article 31 of the 1993 Kyrgyzstan Constitution protects the “right to free expression of opinion, freedom of speech and press” (Legislation Online, “Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic”).

====Laos====

Articles 44 and 45 of the 1991 Laos Constitution do not explicitly protect press freedom, but imply a protection of media production through freedom of expression: “Lao citizens have the right and freedom of speech, press and assembly; and have the right to set up associations and to stage demonstrations which are not contrary to the laws… Lao citizens have the right and freedom to conduct studies in and to apply advanced sciences, techniques and technologies; to create artistic and literary works [;] and to engage in cultural activities which are not contrary to the laws” (Constitute Project, “Lao People's Democratic Republic's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Latvia====

Article 100 of Latvia’s 1922 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, which includes the right to freely receive, keep and distribute information and to express his or her views. Censorship is prohibited" (Constitute Project, “Latvia’s Constitution of 1992, reinstated in 1991, with Amendments through 2016”).

====Lebanon====

Article 13 of Lebanon’s 1926 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of opinion, expression through speech and writing, the freedom of the press, the freedom of assembly, and the freedom of association, are all guaranteed within the scope of the law" (Constitute Project, Lebanon’s Constitution of 1926 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Lesotho====

Article 14 of Lesotho’s 1993 Constitution protects press freedom: “Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this section to the extent that the law in question makes provision… for the purpose of… regulating the technical administration or the technical operation of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting or television" (Constitute Project, “Lesotho’ Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Liberia====

Article 15 of Liberia’s 1847 Constitution first protected press freedom: “The liberty of the press is essential to the security of freedom in a state; it ought not, therefore, to be restrained in this republic…” (Constitution Review Committee, “Constitutional Convention of 1847).

Today, Article 15 of Liberia’s 1986 Constitution protects press freedom: “The right encompasses the right to hold opinions without interference and the right to knowledge. It includes freedom of speech and of the press, academic freedom to receive and impart knowledge and information and the right of libraries to make such knowledge available" (Constitute Project, "Liberia’s Constitution of 1986”).

====Libya====

Article 23 of Libya’s 1951 Constitution originally protected press freedom: “Freedom of press and of printing shall be guaranteed within the limits of the law" (Constitutionnet, “Libya’s Constitution”).

Today, Article 14 of Libya’s 2011 Constitution protects press freedom: “The State shall guarantee freedom of opinion, individual and collective expression, research, communication, press, media, printing and editing, movement, assembly, demonstration and peaceful sit-in in accordance with the statute" (Constitute Project, Libya’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Liechtenstein====

Article 8 of Liechtenstein’s 1826 Constitution first mentioned press freedom: “Freedom of communicating thought through the press shall be regulated by a special law.” (The Constitutions of States at War 1919, p. 376).

Article 40 of Liechtenstein’s 1921 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person shall be entitled to freely express his opinion and to communicate his ideas by word of mouth or in writing, print or pictures within the limits of the law and morality; no censorship may be exercised except in respect of public performances and exhibitions" (Constitute Project, “Liechtenstein’s Constitution of 1921 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Lithuania====

Lithuania’s 1918 Constitution “guaranteed freedom of speech and the press, religion and conscience” (Vardys 1979, p. 321).

Today, Article 44 of the 1992 Lithuanian Constitution protects press freedom: “Censorship of mass information shall be prohibited. The State, political parties, political and public organization, and other institutions or persons may not monopolise the mass media" (Constitute Project, “Lithuania’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019”).

====Luxembourg====

Article 24 of Luxembourg’s 1868 Constitution protects freedom of press: “The freedom to manifest one's opinion by speech in all matters, and the freedom of the press are guaranteed, save the repression of offenses committed on the occasion of the exercise of these freedoms. - Censorship may never be established" (Constitute Project, “Luxembourg’s Constitution of 1868 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Madagascar====

Article 10 of Madagascar’s 2010 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedoms of opinion and of expression, of communication, of the press, of association, of assembly, of circulation, of conscience and of religion are guaranteed to all and may only be limited by the respect for the freedoms and rights of others, and by the imperative of safeguarding the public order, the national dignity and the security of the State" (Constitute Project, “Madagascar's Constitution of 2010 ”).

====Malawi====

Article 36 of Malawi’s 1994 Constitution protects press freedom: “The press shall have the right to report and publish freely, within Malawi and abroad, and to be accorded the fullest possible facilities for access to public information" (Constitute Project, “Malawi’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Malaysia====

Malaysia’s 1957 Constitution contains no explicit protections on press freedom (Constitute Project, “Malaysia’s Constitution of 1957 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Maldives====

Article 28 of Maldives’ 2008 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freedom of the press, and other means of communication, including the right to espouse, disseminate and publish news, information, views and ideas. No person shall be compelled to disclose the source of any information that is espoused, disseminated or published by that person" (Constitute Project, “Maldives’s Constitution of 2008”).

====Mali====

Article 7 of Mali’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press shall be recognized and guaranteed. It shall be exercised within conditions determined by law. Equal access for all to the State media shall be assured by an independent organ who's regulations shall be established by an organic law" (Constitute Project, “Mali’s Constitution of 1992”).

====Malta====

Article 41 of Malta’s 1964 Constitution protects press freedom as a subset of freedom of expression: “Except with his own consent or by way of parental discipline, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference" (Constitute Project, “Malta’s Constitution of 1964 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Marshall Islands====

Article II, Section 1 of the Marshall Islands’ 1979 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and belief; to freedom of speech and of the press; to the free exercise of religion; to freedom of peaceful assembly and association; and to petition the government for a redress of grievances" (Constitute Project, “Marshall Islands’ Constitution of 1979 with Amendments through 1995”).

====Mauritania====

Mauritania’s 1961 Constitution drew from the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and included press freedom protections (Handloff 1987, p. 126).

Today, however, Mauritania’s 1991 Constitution contains no explicit protections on press freedom (Constitute Project, “Mauritania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Mauritius====

Article 12 of Mauritius’s 1968 Constitution protects press freedom: “Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this section to the extent that the law in question makes provision…for the purpose of…regulating the technical administration or the technical operation of telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless broadcasting, television, public exhibitions or public entertainments" (Constitute Project, “Mauritius’ Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Mexico====

Article 50 and 171 of Mexico’s 1824 Constitution protected press freedom:

Article 50: “The exclusive faculties of the general Congress are the following… protect and regulate the political liberty of the press.”

Article 171: “The Articles of this Constitution and the Constitutional Act which establishes the Liberty and Independence of the Mexican Nation, its Religion, form of Government, Liberty of the Press, and division of the Supreme Powers of the Federation, and of the States, can never be reformed" (Sons of Dewitt Colony, “The Constitution of the Mexican United States”).

Today, Article 6 of Mexico’s 1917 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person shall be entitled to free access to plural and timely information, as well as to search for, receive and distribute information and ideas of any kind, through any means of expression. The State shall guarantee access to information and communication technology, access to the services of radio broadcast, telecommunications and broadband Internet. To that end, the State shall establish effective competition conditions for the provision of such services" (Constitute Project, “Mexico’s Constitution of 1917 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Federated States of Micronesia====

Micronesia’s 1975 Constitution contains no explicit protections on press freedom. However, Article IV does protect freedom of expression, assembly, association, and petition (UNESCO, “The Constitution of the Federated States of Micronesia”).

====Moldova====

Article 32 of Moldova’s 1994 Constitution protects press freedom as an element of freedom of expression: “Every citizen shall be guaranteed the freedom of thought and opinion, as well as the freedom of expression in public by way of word, image or any other means possible” (Președinția Republicii Moldova, “Titlul II. Drepturile, libertățile și îndatoririle fundamentale”). [Translated from Romanian]

====Monaco====

Monaco’s earliest protections of press freedom began with the adoption of the 1848 Constitution (Ferrari 2019, p. 33).

Today, Article 23 of Monaco’s 1962 Constitution protects freedom of expression, but also includes press freedom protections: “ Freedom of religion and of public worship, and freedom to express one’s opinions in all matters, is guaranteed, subject to the right to prosecute any offences committed in the exercise of the said freedoms" Constitute Project, “Monaco’s Constitution of 1962 with Amendments through 2002”).

====Mongolia====

Article 16 of Mongolia’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of thought, opinion and expression, speech, press, and peaceful assembly. The rules of procedures for conduct of demonstrations and public meetings shall be determined by law" (Constitute Project, “Mongolia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2001”).

Earlier iterations of the Mongolian Constitution, with the earliest ratified in 1924, included protections on freedom of expression that included freedom of the press (Nordby 1988, p. 80).

====Montenegro====

As a former part of Yugoslavia, freedom of the press was protected in Montenegro under Article 36 of the Yugoslavian Constitution: “Freedom of the press and other forms of public information shall be guaranteed. Citizens shall have the right to express and publish their opinions in the mass media" (National Legislative Bodies, “Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”).

Today, Article 49 of Montenegro’s 2007 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of press and other forms of public information shall be guaranteed. The right to establish newspapers and other public information media, without approval, by registration with the competent authority, shall be guaranteed" (Constitute Project, “Montenegro’s Constitution of 2007 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Morocco====

Article 28 of Morocco’s 2011 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of the press is guaranteed and may not be limited by any form of prior censure" (Constitute Project, “Morocco’s Constitution of 2011”).

====Mozambique====

Mozambique guaranteed press freedom in Article 74 of its 1990 Constitution: “All citizens shall have the right to freedom of expression and to freedom of the press, as well as the right to information” (World Bank, “The Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, 1990”).

Today, this clause is found in Article 48 of Mozambique’s 2004 Constitution (Constitute Project, “Mozambique’s Constitution of 2004 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Myanmar====

The 1947 Constitution of Burma originally protected press freedom as a part of freedom of expression in Chapter I, Section 17: “There shall liberty for the exercise of the following rights subject to law, public order and morality…The right of the citizens to express freely their convictions and opinions” (Burma Library, “The Constitution of the Union of Burma, 24 September 1947, Effective 4 January 1948”).

Today, Chapter VIII, Article 354 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every citizen shall be at liberty in the exercise of the following rights…to express and publish freely their convictions and opinions" (Constitute Project, “Myanmar’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Namibia====

Article 21 of Namibia’s 1990 Constitution protects press freedom: “All persons shall have the right to…freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media" (Constitute Project, “Namibia’s Constitution of 1990 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nauru====

Nauru’s 1968 Constitution does not contain explicit protections for press freedom, but does protect freedom of expression (Constitute Project, “Nauru’s Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Nepal====

Part II of Nepal’s 1948 Constitution originally protected press freedom: “Subject to the principles! of public order and morality this Constitution guarantees to the citizens of Nepal freedom of person, freedom of speech, liberty of the press, freedom of assembly and discussion, freedom of worship, complete equality in the eye of the law, cheap and speedy justice, universal free compulsory elementary education, universal and equal suffrage for all adults, security of private property as defined by the laws of the State as at present existing and laws and rules to be made hereunder” (Constitutionnet, “Constitution of Nepal Effective April 1, 1949”).

Today, Article 19 of Nepal’s 2015 Constitution protects press freedom: “There shall be no prior censorship of publications and broadcasting, or information dissemination, or printing of any news item, editorial, article, feature, or other reading material, or the use of audio-visual material by any medium, including electronic publication, broadcasting and printing" (Constitute Project, “ Nepal’s Constitution of 2015 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Kingdom of the Netherlands====

Article 7 of the 1814 Dutch Constitution protects press freedom: “No one shall require prior permission to publish thoughts or opinions through the press, without prejudice to the responsibility of every person under the law" (Constitute Project, “ Kingdom of the Netherland's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2008”).

====New Zealand====

Article 14 of New Zealand’s 1852 Constitution protects press freedom under freedom of expression: “Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and opinions of any kind in any form" (Constitute Project, “New Zealand’s Constitution of 1852 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Nicaragua====

Article 66 of Nicaragua’s 1987 Constitution protects press freedom: “Nicaraguans have the right to truthful information. This right comprises the freedom to seek, receive and disseminate information and ideas, be they spoken or written, in graphic or by any other chosen procedure" (Constitute Project, “ Nicaragua’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Niger====

Article 100 of Niger’s 2010 Constitution protects press freedom: “The Law determines the fundamental principles…of the protection of the freedom of the press and of the access to public information and to administrative documents" (Constitute Project, “Niger’s Constitution of 2010 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Nigeria====

Article 25 of Nigeria’s 1963 Constitution protected press freedom: “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference” (Global Citizenship Observatory, “The 1963 Constitution of Nigeria”).

Today, Chapter IV, Article 39 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference" (Constitute Project, “ Nigeria’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2011”).

====North Korea====

Article 13 of the 1948 North Korean Constitution originally protected press freedom: “Citizens of the D.P.R.K. have freedom of speech, the press, association, assembly, mass meetings and demonstration” (The Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, “Constitution of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”).

Today, Article 67 of North Korea’s 1972 Constitution protects press freedom: “Citizens are guaranteed freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, demonstration and association" (Constitute Project, “ North Korea’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 1998”).

====North Macedonia====

Article 16 of North Macedonia’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of speech, public address, public information and the establishment of institutions for public information is guaranteed. Free access to information and the freedom of reception and transmission of information are guaranteed" (Constitute Project, “North Macedonia (Republic of)'s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Norway====

Article 100 of Norway’s 1814 Constitution protects press freedom: “No person may be held liable in law for having imparted or received information, ideas or messages unless this can be justified in relation to the grounds for freedom of expression, which are the seeking of truth, the promotion of democracy and the individual's freedom to form opinions. Such legal liability shall be prescribed by law…Prior censorship and other preventive measures may not be applied unless so required in order to protect children and young persons from the harmful influence of moving pictures. Censorship of letters may only be imposed in institutions" (Constitute Project, “Norway's Constitution of 1814 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Oman====

Article 31 of Oman’s 1996 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of the press, printing, and publishing is guaranteed according to the terms and conditions prescribed by the Law. Anything that leads to discord, affects the security of State, or prejudices human dignity or rights, is prohibited" (Constitute Project, “ Oman’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Pakistan====

Article 19 of Pakistan’s 1973 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of the press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defence of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, commission of or incitement to an offence" (Constitute Project, “ Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973, reinstated in 2002 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Palau====

Article IV, Section 2 of Palau’s 1981 Constitution protects press freedom: “The government shall take no action to deny or impair the freedom of expression or press. No bona fide reporter may be required by the government to divulge or be jailed for refusal to divulge information obtained in the course of a professional investigation" (Constitute Project, “Palau’s Constitution of 1981 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Panama====

Article 37 of Panama’s 1972 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person may express his/her opinion freely, either orally, in writing or by any other means, without being subject to prior censorship. Legal responsibility (liability) will, however, be incurred when by any of these means, the reputation or honor of persons is assailed, or when social security or public order is attacked" (Constitute Project, “ Panama’s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2004”).

====Papua New Guinea====

Article 46 of Papua New Guinea’s 1975 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person has the right to freedom of expression and publication, except to the extent that the exercise of that right is regulated or restricted by a law…‘freedom of expression and publication’ includes… freedom of the press and other mass communications media” (Pacific Islands Legal Information Institute, “Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea”).

====Paraguay====

Article 72 of Paraguay’s 1967 Constitution first established protections on press freedom: “Freedom of expression and of information without prior Censorship are inviolable, and no law shall be enacted that limits such freedom or prevents it except in matters connected with the prohibitions contained in the preceding article” (International Foundation for Electoral Systems, “Constitution of the Republic of Paraguay”).

Today, Article 27 of Paraguay’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “The use of the mass communication media is of public interest; in consequence, their functioning may not be closed or suspended… Any discriminatory practice in the provision of supplies to the press, as well as interfering the radio-electrical frequencies and the obstruction, in any way, of the free circulation, distribution, and sale of periodicals, books, magazines, or other publications with a responsible direction or authors are prohibited" (Constitute Project, “ Paraguay’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Peru====

Article 3 of Peru’s 1823 Constitution originally protected press freedom (Wikisource, "Political Constitution of the Peruvian Republic of 1823").

Today, Article 2 of Peru’s 1993 Constitution protects press freedom: “To freedom of information, opinion, expression, and dissemination of thought, whether oral, written, or in images, through any medium of social communication, and without previous authorization, censorship, or impediment, under penalty of law" (Constitute Project, “ Peru’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2021”).

====Philippines====

The Philippines first protected press freedom under Article 20 of the 1899 Malolos Constitution: Neither shall any Filipino be deprived… Of the right to freely express his ideas or opinions, orally or in writing, through the use of the press or other similar means" (Arellano Law Foundation, "1889 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines").

Today, Article III, Section 4 of the Philippines’ 1987 Constitution protects press freedom: “No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances" Constitute Project, “ Philippines’s Constitution of 1987”).

====Poland====

Title II, Section XVI of the 1815 Polish Constitution originally protected press freedom: “The liberty of the press is guaranteed. The law shall determine the method of restraining its abuses" (Wikisource, "Constitutional Charter of the Kingdom of Poland, In the Year 1815").

Today, Article 14 of Poland’s 1997 Constitution protects press freedom: “The Republic of Poland shall ensure freedom of the press and other means of social communication" (Constitute Project, “ Poland’s Constitution of 1997 with Amendments through 2009”).

====Portugal====

Articles 7 and 8 of the 1822 Portuguese Constitution originally protected press freedom: “The free communication of thoughts is one of man's most precious rights. All Portuguese may therefore, without prior censorship, express their opinions in any matter, as long as they are responsible for the abuse of this freedom in the cases, and in the form that the law determines… The Courts will appoint a Special Court, to protect the freedom of the press, and to curb the offenses resulting from its abuse, as provided for in art. 177 and 189” (O Portal da História, “CONSTITUIÇÃO PORTUGUESA DE 1822”). [Translated from Portuguese]

Today, Article 37 of Portugal’s 1976 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone shall possess the right to freely express and publicise his thoughts in words, images or by any other means, as well as the right to inform others, inform himself and be informed without hindrance or discrimination"(Constitute Project, “Portugal’s Constitution of 1976 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Qatar====

Article 48 of Qatar’s 2003 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press, printing, and publishing is guaranteed according to the law" (Constitute Project, “ Qatar’s Constitution of 2003”).

====Romania====

Article 30 of Romania’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom to express ideas, opinions, and beliefs, and the freedom of creation in any form-orally, in writing, through images, by means of sound, or by any other means of public communication-are inviolable…Freedom of the press also includes the freedom to establish publications" (Constitute Project, “ Romania’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Russia====

Article 79 of the 1906 Russian Constitution first protected press freedom: “Within the limits fixed by law every one may express his thoughts by word or writing and circulate them by means of the press or otherwise” (Northern Virginia Community College, “Fundamental Laws, 1906”).

Today, Article 29 of Russia’s 1993 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone shall have the right to freely look for, receive, transmit, produce and distribute information by any legal way. The list of data comprising state secrets shall be determined by a federal law. The freedom of mass communication shall be guaranteed. Censorship shall be banned" (Constitute Project, “Russia’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Rwanda====

Article 21 of Rwanda’s 1962 Constitution originally protected press freedom: “The secrecy of correspondence, postal and telegraphic communications is inviolable” (World Digital Library, “Constitution de la République Rwandaise”). [Translated from French]

Today, Article 38 of Rwanda’s 2003 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of press, of expression and of access to information are recognised and guaranteed by the State" (Constitute Project, “ Rwanda’s Constitution of 2003 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Saint Kitts and Nevis====

Article 12 of Saint Kitts and Nevis’s 1983 Constitution does not explicitly mention press freedom, but includes press protections in its description of freedom of expression: “freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference (whether the communication is to the public generally or to any person or class of persons) and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Constitute Project, “Saint Kitts and Nevis’s Constitution of 1983”).

====Saint Lucia====

Chapter I, Article 9 of Saint Lucia’s 1978 Constitution protects press freedom as a part of freedom of expression: “a person shall not be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference (whether the communication be to the public generally or to any person or class of persons) and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Constitute Project, “Saint Lucia’s Constitution of 1978”).

====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====

Article 10 of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’ 1978 Constitution protects press freedom as a part of freedom of expression: “a person shall not be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference (whether the communication be to the public generally or to any person or class of persons) and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Constitute Project, “Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’s Constitution of 1979”).

====Samoa====

While freedom of the press is not explicitly mentioned in Samoa’s 1962 Constitution, freedom of expression is protected and “freedom of the press is generally respected” according to Freedom House (Freedom House, "Samoa").

====San Marino====

Article 6 of San Marino’s 1974 Declaration on the Citizens’ Right and Fundamental Principles ensures that “the privacy of any form of communication shall be protected" (WIPO, "Declaration on the Citizens’ Rights and Fundamental Principles of San Marino Constitutional Order").

====São Tomé and Príncipe====

Article 30 of Sao Tome and Principe’s 1975 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press is guaranteed in the Democratic Republic of São Tomé and Príncipe, within the terms of the law. The State guarantees a public service press independent of the interests of economic and political groups" (Constitute Project, “São Tomé and Príncipes’s Constitution of 1975 with Amendments through 2003”).

====Saudi Arabia====

Saudi Arabia has no formal protections on press freedom. Article 39 of Saudi Arabia’s 1992 Constitution outlines how the state conducts relations with the press: “Mass media, publication facilities and other means of expression shall function in a manner that is courteous and fair and shall abide by State laws. They shall play their part in educating the masses and boosting national unity. All that may give rise to mischief and discord, or may compromise the security of the State and its public image, or may offend against man's dignity and rights shall be banned. Relevant regulations shall explain how this is to be done" (Constitute Project, “Saudi Arabia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Senegal====

Article 8 of Senegal’s 2001 Constitution protects press freedom: “The Republic of Senegal guarantees to all citizens the fundamental individual freedoms, the economic and social rights as well as the collective rights. These freedoms and rights are notably…the civil and political freedoms: freedom of opinion, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, freedom of movement [déplacemnent], [and] freedom of manifestation" (Constitute Project, “ Senegal’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Serbia====

The 1935 Serbian Constitution protected freedom of the press, and King Milan IV of Serbia discussed freedom of the press as early as 1875: “Although nominated but a few days ago, the Ministers whom I have assembled around me in these grave circumstances, will submit to you nevertheless some projects of laws tending to improve our national institutions, to wit, a law destined to increase the securities for personal safety, a law for the extension of the liberty of the press, and a law for the extension of communal self-government” (Hertslet 1875, p. 34).

Today, Article 46 of Serbia’s 2006 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of thought and expression shall be guaranteed, as well as the freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through speech, writing, art or in some other manner” (International Labour Organization, “Constitution of The Republic of Serbia”).

====Seychelles====

Seychelles’ 1993 Constitution does not explicitly protect press freedom, but includes protections “to seek, receive and impart ideas and information without interference” as a part of freedom of expression protections (Constitute Project, “Seychelles’s Constitution of 1993 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Sierra Leone====

Article 25 of Sierra Leone’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “Except with his own consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, and for the purpose of this section the said freedom includes the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference, freedom from interference with his correspondence, freedom to own, establish and operate any medium for the dissemination of information, ideas and opinions, and academic freedom in institutions of learning" (Constitute Project, “Sierra Leone’s Constitution of 1991, reinstated in 1996 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Singapore====

Singapore’s 1963 Constitution contains no protection for press freedom, but does protect freedom of speech and expression (Constitute Project, “Singapore’s Constitution of 1963 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Slovakia====

As a part of Czechoslovakia, freedom of the press was protected by Article 113 of the 1920 Czechoslovakian Constitution: “Freedom of the Press as well as the right to assemble peaceably and without arms and to form associations is guaranteed” (Masarykova Univerzita, “The Constitutional charter of the Czechoslovak Republic”).

Today, Article 26 of Slovakia’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person has the right to express his or her opinion in words, writing, print, images and any other means, and also to seek, receive and disseminate ideas and information both nationally and internationally. No approval process shall be required for publication of the press. Radio and television companies may be required to seek permission from the State authorities to set up private businesses. Further details shall be provided by law. Censorship shall be prohibited" (Constitute Project, “Slovakia’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Slovenia====

Article 39 of Slovenia’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of expression of thought, freedom of speech and public appearance, of the press and other forms of public communication and expression shall be guaranteed" (Constitute Project, “Slovenia’s Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Solomon Islands====

Article 12 of the Solomon Islands’ 1978 Constitution protects press freedom through freedom of expression: “Except with his own consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, and for the purposes of this of section the said freedom includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Constitute Project, “Solomon Islands’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2018”).

====Somalia====

Somalia’s 1961 Constitution had no explicit mention of freedom of the press, but protected the right for every person “freely to express his own opinion in any manner, subject to any limitations which may be prescribed by law for the purpose of safeguarding morals and public security" (WIPO, "Somali Constitution").

Article 18 of Somalia’s 2012 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of expression includes freedom of speech, and freedom of the media, including all forms of electronic and web-based media" (Constitute Project, “ Somalia’s Constitution of 2012”).

====South Africa====

South Africa’s Progressive Federal Party pushed to include freedom of the press as a part of a Bill of Rights during the drafting of the 1983 South African Constitution, but it was ultimately rejected by the rest of Parliament (SAMEDIA, “PFP’s lone stand on ‘Rights’”).

Today, Article 16 of South Africa’s 1996 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, which includes…freedom of the press and other media" (Constitute Project, “South Africa’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2012”).

====South Korea====

Section 4 of the 1919 Provisional Republic of Korea’s Constitution first protected press freedom: “The citizens of the Korean Republic shall have religious liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of writing and publication, the right to hold public meetings and form social organizations and the full right to choose their dwellings and change their abode" (USC Libraries, "Constitution of the Korean Provisional Government, 1919").

Today, Article 21 of South Korea’s 1948 Constitution protects press freedom: “All citizens shall enjoy freedom of speech and the press, and freedom of assembly and association" (Korea Legislative Research Institute, "CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA").

====South Sudan====

Article 24 of South Sudan’s 2011 Constitution protects press freedom: “All levels of government shall guarantee the freedom of the press and other media as shall be regulated by law in a democratic society" (Constitute Project, “South Sudan’s Constitution of 2011 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Spain====

The Spanish Constitution of 1812 protected freedom of the press under Article 131: The powers and duties of the Courts are…to protect the political liberty of the press” (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, “The Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy: Promulgated in Cádiz, the nineteenth day of March").

Today, Section 20 of Spain’s 1978 Constitution protects press freedom: “the right to freely express and spread thoughts, ideas and opinions through words, in writing or by any other means of reproduction" (Constitute Project, “ Spain’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2011”).

====Sri Lanka====

Chapter IV of the 1972 Sri Lankan Constitution first protected press freedom: “every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, including publication" (Parliament of Sri Lanka, "The Constitution of Sri Lanka (Ceylon)").

Article 14 of Sri Lanka’s 1978 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every citizen is entitled to…the freedom of speech and expression including publication" Constitute Project, “Sri Lanka’s Constitution of 1978 with Amendments through 2015”).

====Sudan====

Article 49 of Sudan’s 1973 Constitution first protected press freedom: “The press shall be free within the limits of the law, as a means to educate and enlighten the people, and it shall be directed to serve the objectives of the people" (Right to Nonviolence, "The Permanent Constitution of Sudan").

Article 57 of Sudan’s 2019 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every citizen has the unrestricted right to freedom of expression, to receive and publish information and publications, and to access the press, without prejudice to public order, safety and morals in accordance with what is determined by law" (Constitute Project, “Sudan’s Constitution of 2019”).

====Suriname====

Article 19 of Suriname’s 1987 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to make public his thoughts or feelings and to express his opinion through the printed press or other means of communication, subject to the responsibility of all as set forth in the law" (Constitute Project, “Suriname’s Constitution of 1987 with Amendments through 1992”).

====Sweden====

Sweden was the first nation to formally protect freedom of the press through the 1766 Freedom of the Press Act: “The freedom of the press is understood to mean the right of every Swedish citizen to publish written matter, without prior hindrance by a public authority or other public body, and not to be prosecuted thereafter on grounds of its content other than before a lawful court, or punished therefor other than because the content contravenes an express provision of law, enacted to preserve public order without suppressing information to the public" (Hirschfeldt 2017, p. 580).

The Freedom of the Press Act is still included in Sweden’s 1974 Constitution, and Article 1 of Chapter 2 extends further protections for press freedom across “sound radio, television and certain similar transmissions, as well as in films, video recordings, sound recordings and other technical recordings" (Constitute Project, “Sweden’s Constitution of 1974 with Amendments through 2012”).

====Switzerland====

Article 55 of Switzerland’s 1874 Constitution first protected press freedom: “The freedom of the press is guaranteed" (ICL Project, "Switzerland > Constitution 1874").

Today, Article 17 of Switzerland’s 1999 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of the press, radio and television and of other forms of dissemination of features and information by means of public telecommunications is guaranteed" (Constitute Project, “Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014”).

====Syria====

Article 17 of Syria’s 1930 Constitution first protected press freedom: “Freedom of the press and printing is guaranteed under the conditions provided for by law" (Wikisource, "Constitution syrienne du 14 mai 1930"). [Translated from French]

Today, Article 43 of Syria’s 2012 Constitution protects press freedom: “The state shall guarantee freedom of the press, printing and publishing, the media and its independence in accordance with the law" (Constitute Project, “Syria’s Constitution of 2012”).

====Tajikistan====

Article 30 of Tajikistan’s 1994 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone is guaranteed freedom of speech, press, [and] the right to use means of mass information" (Constitute Project, “Tajikistan’s Constitution of 1994 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tanzania====

Tanzania’s 1961 Constitution did not explicitly protect press freedom, but did protect freedom of expression (Citizenship Rights Africa, "The Tanganyika Constitution"

Today, Article 18 of Tanzania’s 1977 Constitution protects press freedom as a part of freedom of expression: “Without prejudice to expression the laws of the land, every person has the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and to seek, receive and impart or disseminate information and ideas through any media regardless of national frontiers, and also has the right of freedom from interference with his communications" (Constitute Project, “Tanzania’s Constitution of 1977 with Amendments through 2005”).

====Thailand====

Article 14 of Thailand’s 1932 Constitution first protected press freedom: “Subject to the provisions of the law, every person enjoys full liberty of person, abode, property, speech, writing, publication, education, public meeting, association and vocation" (Bloomsbury Publishing, "Thailand Constitution 1932").

Section 35 of Thailand’s 2017 Constitution protects press freedom: “A media professional shall have liberty in presenting news or expressing opinions in accordance with professional ethics" (Constitute Project, “Thailand’s Constitution of 2017”).

====Togo====

Article 12 of Togo’s 1963 Constitution first protected press freedom: “Everyone has the right to express and freely disseminate their opinions through speech, pen and image in compliance with laws and regulations” (World Digital Library, “Constitution de la Republique Togolaise”). [Translated from French]

Today, Article 26 of Togo’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “The freedom of the press is recognized and guaranteed by the State. It is protected by the law" (Constitute Project, “Togo’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2007”).

====Tonga====

Article 7 of Tonga’s 1875 Constitution protects press freedom: “It shall be lawful for all people to speak write and print their opinions and no law shall ever be enacted to restrict this liberty. There shall be freedom of speech and of the press for ever but nothing in this clause shall be held to outweigh the law of slander or the laws for the protection of the King and the Royal Family" (Constitute Project, “Tonga’s Constitution of 1875 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Trinidad and Tobago====

Chapter 1, Part 1 of Trinidad and Tobago’s 1976 Constitution protects press freedom: “It is hereby recognised and declared that in Trinidad and Tobago there have existed and shall continue to exist, without discrimination by reason of race, origin, colour, religion or sex, the following fundamental human rights and freedoms, namely…freedom of the press" (Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, "CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO ACT").

====Tunisia====

Article 8 of Tunisia’s 1959 Constitution first protected press freedom: “Freedom of opinion, expression, press, publication, assembly and association are guaranteed and exercised according to the terms defined by the law" (Constitute Project, "Tunisia 1959 (rev. 2008)").

Article 31 of Tunisia’s 2014 Constitution protects press freedom: “Freedom of opinion, thought, expression, information and publication shall be guaranteed. These freedoms shall not be subject to prior censorship" (Constitute Project, “Tunisia’s Constitution of 2014”).

====Turkey====

Article 12 of the Ottoman Constitution of 1876 first protected press freedom in modern-day Turkey: “The press is free, within limits imposed by law" (The Individualisation of War, "The Ottoman Constitution").

Today, Article 26 of Turkey’s 1982 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to express and disseminate his/her thoughts and opinions by speech, in writing or in pictures or through other media, individually or collectively. This freedom includes the liberty of receiving or imparting information or ideas without interference by official authorities. This provision shall not preclude subjecting transmission by radio, television, cinema, or similar means to a system of licensing" (Constitute Project, “Turkey’s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Turkmenistan====

Article 42 of Turkmenistan’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone shall have the right to free search of information and to receive and disseminate information in ways not prohibited by law, if it is not a state or other secret protected by law" (Constitute Project, “Turkmenistan’s Constitution of 2008 with Amendments through 2016”).

====Tuvalu====

Article 24 of Tuvalu’s 1986 Constitution protects press freedom as a part of freedom of expression: “For the purposes of this section, freedom of expression includes… freedom to hold opinions without interference; and freedom to receive ideas and information without interference; and freedom to communicate ideas and information without interference; and freedom from interference with correspondence" (Constitute Project, “Tuvalu’s Constitution of 1986 with Amendments through 2010”).

====Uganda====

Article 26 of Uganda’s 1962 Constitution alluded to press freedom protection in its protection of freedom of expression, but did not explicitly mention it (World Statesmen, "Uganda Constitutional Instruments").

Today, Article 29 of Uganda’s 1995 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person shall have the right to…freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media" (Constitute Project, “Uganda’s Constitution of 1995 with Amendments through 2017”).

====Ukraine====

Article 34 of Ukraine’s 1996 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to freely collect, store, use and disseminate information by oral, written or other means of his or her choice" (Refworld, Constitution of Ukraine").

====United Arab Emirates====

Articles 30 and 31 of the UAE’s 1971 Constitution protect freedom of expression and communication, but do not explicitly protect press freedom: “Freedom to hold opinions and express them orally, in writing or by other means of expression shall be guaranteed within the limits of the law… Freedom of communication by means of the posts, telegraph or other means of communication and their secrecy shall be guaranteed in accordance with the law" (Constitute Project, “Ukraine’s Constitution of 1996 with Amendments through 2016”).

====United Kingdom====

The United Kingdom has no formal protection of press freedom. The closest legal form of legal recognition of freedom of the press, however, is in Article 10 of the Human Rights Act of 1998, which states “Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers" (The National Archives, "Human Rights Act 1998").

====United States====

Freedom of the press is protected under the First Amendment of the US Constitution: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances" (Constitution Annotated, "First Amendment").

====Uruguay====

Article 141 of Uruguay’s 1830 Constitution first protected press freedom: “The communication of thoughts by words, private writings, or published by the press in all matters is entirely free, without the need for prior censorship; the author being responsible, and where appropriate the printer, for the abuses they commit, in accordance with the law" (Republica Oriental de Uruguay, "Constitucion de la Republica," 1830). [Translated from Spanish]

Article 29 of Uruguay’s 1967 Constitution protects press freedom: “The communication of thoughts is entirely free in all matters, by words, private writings or published in the press, or by any another form of disclosure, without the need for prior censorship" (Centro de Informacion Oficial, "Constitucion de la Republica," 1967).

====Uzbekistan====

Article 67 of Uzbekistan’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “The mass media shall be free and act in accordance with law. It shall bear responsibility for trustworthiness of information in a prescribed manner" (Constitute Project, "Uzbekistan's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2011").

====Vanuatu====

Vanuatu’s 1980 Constitution does not formally protect press freedom, but does protect freedom of expression (Constitute Project, "Vanuatu's Constitution of 1980 with Amendments through 2013"). Observers recognize that, historically, “the government generally respects freedom of the press" (Freedom House, "Vanuatu").

====Venezuela====

Venezuela first protected press freedom under Article 181 of its 1811 Constitution: “The right of manifesting all ideas by means of the press, shall be free; but any person who may exercise the same, shall be answerable to the laws, if he attacks and disturbs by his opinions, the public tranquility, the belief, Christian morality, or the property, honour and good opinion of any citizen" (Rice University, "Venezuelan Declaration of Independence and Constitution").

Today, Article 57 of Venezuela’s 1999 Constitution protects press freedom: “Everyone has the right to express freely his or her thoughts, ideas or opinions orally, in writing or by any other form of expression, and to use for such purpose any means of communication and diffusion, and no censorship shall be established. Anyone making use of this right assumes full responsibility for everything expressed" (Constitute Project, Venezuela's Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2009).

====Vietnam====

Article 10 of Vietnam’s 1946 Constitution first protected press freedom: “A Vietnamese citizen has the rights to freedoms… of the press" (Bloomsbury, "Vietnam Constitution 1946").

Article 25 of Vietnam’s 1992 Constitution protects press freedom: “The citizen shall enjoy the right to freedom of opinion and speech, freedom of the press, to access to information, to assemble, form associations and hold demonstrations. The practice of these rights shall be provided by the law" (Constitute Project, “Vietnam’s Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2013”).

====Yemen====

Yemen’s 1991 Constitution contains no explicit protections for press freedom but includes the “expression of opinion in speech, writing and photography” under its protections on freedom of expression (Constitute Project, “Yemen's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2001”).

====Zambia====

Article 20 of Zambia’s 1991 Constitution protects press freedom under freedom of expression: “no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, that is to say, freedom to hold opinions without interference, freedom to receive ideas and information without interference, freedom to impart and communicate ideas and information without interference, whether the communication be to the public generally or to any person or class of persons, and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Constitute Project, "Zambia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments through 2016").

This clause first appeared in Article 22 of Zambia’s 1962 Constitution (World Statesmen, "Laws of Zambia: The Constitution").

====Zimbabwe====

Article 20 of Zimbabwe’s 1980 Constitution first protected press freedom under freedom of expression: “Except with his own consent or by way of parental discipline, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, that is to say, freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference, and freedom from interference with his correspondence" (Refworld, "Constitution of Zimbabwe, 1980").

Today, Article 61 of Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution protects press freedom: “Every person is entitled to freedom of the media, which freedom includes protection of the confidentiality of journalists' sources of information…Broadcasting and other electronic media of communication have freedom of establishment" (Constitute Project, “Zimbabwe's Constitution of 2013”).

===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
The first piece of legislation granting citizens freedom of the press was the Swedish Freedom of the Press Act of 1776. The law allowed for free printing of anything that did not oppose religious faith, did not attack the constitution, and was not otherwise indecent (Nordin 2017, 137). In 1950, the European Convention of Human Rights accepted these same limitations for free press. The Swedish Freedom of the Press Act also gave citizens access to view official state documents. While other European countries had some level of free press, such as the Netherlands, the right to free press was not written into law (Nordin 2017, 138). The right to freedom of the press was accepted more globally with the publication of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, which states, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” (United Nations 1948). Still, according to Freedom House, the population of the world with freedom of the press as of 2017 was only thirteen percent, due to limitations imposed by authoritarian regimes and Russian and Chinese regimes seeking to expand their global influence. There were even reports of threats to journalists and limitations to freedom of the press in some democracies (Dunham 2017).

As for the United States, the first guarantee of freedom of the press was written by George Mason in the Virginia Declaration of Rights in 1776 (Bogen 1983, 429). Thomas Jefferson revised Mason’s statement that “all men are born equally free and independent” when he wrote the Declaration of Independence (Vile). Likewise, James Madison later used the Virginia Declaration of Rights to help him in drafting the First Amendment in 1791. Specifically, the line “The Freedom of the Press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained by despotic Governments,” within the Virginia Declaration of Rights shows great similarity to Madison's later proposal for the guarantee of freedom of the press within the Bill of Rights (Bogen 1983, 445). Freedom of the press was accepted as a fundamental right for the United States as a whole with the ratification of the First Amendment in 1791 which states that, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people to peaceably assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (U.S. Const. amend. I). Freedom of the press is intertwined with freedom of speech, and both rights are seen as fundamental (Stewart).

===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
Within the thirteen colonies before the American Revolution, the government did not allow free press. Rather, any form of print had to have a government granted license. The government's initial opposition to free press stemmed from the printing of the first American newspaper in Boston in 1690 called, Publick Occurrences, Both Foreign and Domestick. The British government wanted to censor American media for fear of the spread of unfavorable information. Following the disallowance of Publick Occurrences, it was 14 years until another American newspaper was published. The governor of Virginia at the time, Sir William Berkeley, wrote, “I thank God, we have not free schools nor printing; and I hope we shall not have these hundred years. For learning has brought disobedience and heresy and sects into the world; and printing has divulged them and libels the government” (Kahane 1976, 203). Likewise, English law strongly opposed freedom of the press.

A major contribution to the shift to a widespread belief in the importance of freedom of the press in the United States was Cato’s Letters, a series of essays written by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon between 1720 and 1723 (Trenchard & Gordon 1724). The essays consisted of revolutionary political ideas that largely criticized the British government. Cato viewed human nature as rooted in selfishness, suggesting that political decisions were too often made in the deciders best interest, not necessarily that of the public. For this reason, Cato emphasized the need for human rights and liberty as a check against the power of officials in order to avoid the oppression of some. He emphasized the need to fight against tyranny and corruption. While acknowledging the risks of libel, he endorsed citizen rights to free speech and free press. He believed that all citizens should have the ability to criticize the government accurately. The alternative- restricting freedom of the press, he suggested, would be beneficial only for the corrupt (McDaniel). Cato wrote, “There are some truths not fit to be told...But this doctrine only holds true as to private and personal failings; and it is quite otherwise when the crimes of men come to affect the publick” (Trenchard & Gordon 1724). Cato’s Letters were one of the most familiar essays of time, with people commonly referring to them as a justification and a defense of the rights they deserved, allowing the idea of freedom of the press to gain momentum. The essays were crucial to understanding the importance of and the meaning of the First Amendment, which stemmed from the Virginia Declaration of Rights (Bogen 1983, 446).

Another contributing event was the trial of John Peter Zenger, a printer in New York. In 1733, Zenger printed the New York Weekly Journal. The journal criticized the British royal governor of New York, William S. Cosby, accusing him of rigging elections and other corruption. While Zenger did not write the journal, he was sent to jail and accused of libel, which at the time meant publishing information in opposition to the government. At trial, Zenger was represented by Andrew Hamilton. While Hamilton admitted that Zenger did print the journal, he invoked a new principle, that libel was not punishable if true. Hamilton was able to convince the jury of Zenger’s innocence on the grounds that they could not prove that the content of his publication was false (Kahane 1976, 205). The verdict of the case did not have any serious impact on legal precedent because according to the specifics of the case, the jury ruled that Zenger had not printed the journal, even though Hamilton confessed that much. However, the trial did have the immediate effect of an increase in the amount of political satires printed, specifically those opposed to or critiquing some aspect of the government. This put pressure on less popular officials and increased the relative power of journalists (Olson, 2000).

More broadly, as for the world’s first law guaranteeing freedom of the press in Sweden, Sweden’s intellectual climate and institutional structure allowed for the adoption of ideas that were more radical at the time. Within Sweden, as in Western parts of the world, there was a spread of liberal theory. Liberal theory values the individual as necessary within society and politics. Likewise, liberal theory recognizes the need for change over time in order to advance and improve society. In combination with Sweden’s institutional structure, Sweden could more easily advance new laws (Nordin 2017, 139). At the time, the Diet: four estates including the nobility, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasantry, along with opposing political parties: the Hats and the Caps, ran political discussions and had political power. Around sixty percent of adult males would participate in political decisions. The executive, the Council of the Realm, would act according to the Diet. Sweden saw the greatest citizen participation in politics of any country in Europe. Therefore, unlike in other areas of Europe or the world at the time, citizens were more able to advance their own interests, which resulted in greater liberties pertaining to freedom of the press and free speech (Nordin 2017, 140).

==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
The right to freedom of the press is in the first amendment:

* “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the '''press'''; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (United States of America 1789 (Rev. 1992) Constitution - Constitute, 1992).

===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
No, as the right is explicitly stated in the Constitution.
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
Given the fuzzy line between freedom of speech and freedom of the press (Freedom of Expression, n.d.), restrictions or exceptions towards speech will impact the press and vice versa. With this is mind, there are two main exceptions in the history of United States law to the right of freedom of the press: the Espionage Act of 1917, and the Sedition Act of 1918.

The Espionage Act of 1917 stated that an individual who shares a document or information that “…could be used to the injury of the United States…shall be fined…or imprisoned…” (18 U.S. Code § 793 - Gathering, Transmitting or Losing Defense Information, n.d.). Similar to the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Espionage Act was proposed in the context of war where President Woodrow Wilson himself pleaded for greater restriction to expression and punishment towards individuals that opposed the United States government in his State of the Union address: “Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out” (Handout B, n.d.).

The Espionage Act was put to the test in the case Schenck v. United States (1919). Charles Schenck and Elizabeth Baer were convicted for violating the act by distributing leaflets that claimed the draft unconstitutional and was akin to “involuntary servitude” (Schenck v. United States, n.d.). The conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court due to Schenck and Baer’s actions providing a “clear and present danger” which the government has the constitutional ability to block (Asp, n.d.).

A similar decision occurred with Debs v. United States (1919). Eugene V. Debs, a popular socialist politician, was sentenced to ten years in prison for condemning the involvement of the United States in the first World War. Debs claimed protection under the First Amendment, but it was not accepted as Debs’ statements were considered, again, a clear and present danger due to them potentially causing resentment towards the draft (Dow, n.d.).

Many were indicted through the Espionage Act, though as time passed, there was controversy over its small scope and high leniency as the first World War continued its drastic impact on the United States. The case that tipped the balance towards a stronger Espionage Act was an indictment to Ves Hall. Hall was a rancher in rural Montana who expressed plans to desert if he were drafted, that Germany would win the war, and that Woodrow Wilson was a corrupt president (Galison, 2010). Hall’s prosecution had broad support from the press and the public. However, Hall was acquitted in the district court as the judge at the time decided that as Hall was in a remote village of 60 people and was miles and miles away from any military presence, and therefore his words did not present any threat to the United States: “…[Hall’s] verbal assault was so distant from its target that there simply was no plausible case to be made for interference with military operations or recruitment” (Ibid.). After Hall’s acquittal, in addition to other acquittals or lenient sentences, desire from American nationalists and supporters from the war increased for an expansion of the Espionage Act to be able to effectively punish and deter disloyalty (Ibid.; Gutfeld, 1968, pg. 169). An amendment was added to the Espionage Act, the Sedition Act of 1918, which rather than merely prohibiting the sharing of a document that could jeopardize American security, instead makes any “disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language” expressions towards the government, the Constitution, the military, or the flag a federal offense (The Espionage and Sedition Acts, 2021).

Eventually, the early 20th century war-era acts were reversed by the 1964 case Brandenburg v. Ohio. In the case, Clarence Brandenburg, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, was having a meeting where he planned a demonstration on Washington, D.C. Brandenburg was convicted to ten years in prison for advocating crime and terrorism (Walker, n.d.). When the case went to the Supreme Court, the Court unanimously decided to overturn Brandenburg’s conviction (Ibid.). The Court stated: “Freedoms of speech and press do not permit a State to forbid advocacy of the use of force or of law violation except where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action” (Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 1969). As a result, this gave political dissenters a greater ability to express their beliefs despite whatever position towards the United States Government they may have.

Even with Brandenburg’s “imminent lawless action” rule did not completely dissolve the Espionage Act, however. As the Cold War became a more prominent conflict in the 20th century, the Espionage Act was used to justify convictions of American citizens who shared sensitive information about the United States’ research into atomic bombs (DeWitt, 2016, pg. 124). Henceforth, citizens who had access to sensitive information would have their speech limited, in order to protect national security, and it is this interpretation of the Espionage Act which the United States government uses to justify convictions towards “whistleblowers”—Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning for example—in the present day (DeWitt, 2016, pg. 127; Greenwald, 2013; Volokh, 2018).

Other exceptions to freedom of the press exist. One example is that of obscenity. In 1973, the case Miller v. California, publisher Marvin Miller was prosecuted for mailing advertisements considered obscene (Hudson, n.d.). The Supreme Court acquitted Miller of the charge and established a three-part test—the Miller test— to decide whether an expression is obscene or not: “Whether the average person…would find the work…appeals to the prurient interest,…whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law,…and whether the work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value” (Marvin MILLER, Appellant, v. State of CALIFORNIA., 1973).

Defamation is another exception, of which the 1964 case New York Times v. Sullivan is an example. The New York Times published an advertisement containing false information about actions taken by opposers of civil rights which included Alabama police, which the Montgomery, Alabama city commissioner, L.B. Sullivan, then responded by filing suit, claiming that the advertisement harmed his reputation and was libelous (Wermiel, n.d.). The Supreme Court reversed the motions of the previous courts that defended Sullivan and Justice William J. Brennan Jr. Opined for the majority: “[We] consider this case against the background of a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide open…” allowing even for “…vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials” (Hudson Jr, n.d.). With this defense, however, limits could be enforced if the expression is made with “ ‘actual malice’—that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not” (New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 1964).

Lastly, there is a limit as to what extent the press can protect their reporters’ confidentiality, and this was established in the 1972 case Branzburg v. Hayes (Tom McInnis, n.d.). Reporter Paul Branzburg published a story about drug use and the Black Panthers. Branzburg was asked to testify on the illegal activity and Branzburg refused due to the confidentiality he promised his sources. The Supreme Court decided that, as the information was relevant to a criminal investigation, reporters are obligated to testify on that information (Ibid.). The Court states: “The First Amendment does not relieve a newspaper reporter of the obligation that all citizens have to respond to a grand jury subpoena and answer questions relevant to a criminal investigation, and therefore the Amendment does not afford him a constitutional testimonial privilege…” (Branzburg v. Hayes, 1972).

===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====
====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====
====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====
Immanuel Kant was a German enlightenment philosopher, considered the “central figure in modern philosophy” by historian Michael Rolf, and Kant’s influence can still be felt today through his varied work in epistemology, metaphysics, ethics, aesthetics, among others (Rolf). Kant was also very interested in political philosophy, caring greatly about freedom and liberty. In his seminal essay ''Answering the Question: What is Enlightenment?'', Kant states that enlightenment is when an individual attains the “spirit of rational respect for personal value and for the duty of all men to think for themselves” (Kant, 1991, p. 55). To be enlightened is to no longer believe things because that is what the authority prescribes, rather one is to find the truth by oneself. The final element to achieve enlightenment for Kant is using reason ''freely with others'': “For enlightenment of this kind, all that is needed is ''freedom''[,]…freedom to make ''public use'' of one’s reason in all matters” (Ibid.). One’s personal enlightenment is dependent upon the willingness with which the individual shares his judgements with others. Gert Van Eekert in his explanation on Kant’s view of free expression states: “…enlightenment implies that one not only must have the courage, but also must enjoy the freedom to submit one’s opinions to the critique of all others…Intellectual independence of freedom of thought cannot exist without the freedom to think in community with others, and hence without the freedom to speak and write without constraints” (Van Eekert, 2017, p. 132).

It is along these lines that insights towards the right to freedom of the press can readily be made. A free press is a tool which allows for an individual’s own enlightenment, and this occurs through the criticism one opens oneself by publishing a piece of writing, as well as the opportunity to critique the writings and ideas that others make. The effects of a free press is then the enlightenment of society which Kant believes necessarily results from the opening of freedom: “The ''public'' use of man’s reason must always be free, and it alone can bring about enlightenment among men,” (Kant, 1991, p. 55).

Interestingly for Kant, a free press is beneficially for a leader because it contains criticisms of them. In his essay On the Common Saying:'' 'This May Be True in Theory, But It Does Not Apply in Practice' '', Kant describes the good ruler has his subjects suffer only by mistake and ignorance, and therefore it is the subject’s duty to express his opinion of the ruler’s actions that way the ruler can correct it. Because of this duty, Kant states: “Thus ''freedom of the pen'' is the only safeguard of the rights of the people,” with the caveat of: “although it must not transcend the bounds of respect and devotion toward the existing constitution, which should itself create a liberal attitude of mind among the subjects” (Kant, 1991, p. 85). Kant therefore has a certain idealism as to the interaction between ruler and subject with the freedom of the press. The relationship certainly is a critical one where the subject criticizes the ruler’s actions, though the relationship is not antagonistic. The liberal ruler agrees with the values of the liberal subject, and the ruler uses the subject’s input to rule in a just way. Reciprocally, the subject also has the duty to follow the laws that the ruler bestows: “In every commonwealth, there must be ''obedience'' to a generally valid coercive laws within the mechanism of the political constitution” (Ibid., pg. 85).

====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
John Stuart Mill’s work of On Liberty (1859) argues against government forcing ideas on the public and argues for the liberty of the press. This would allow for the free reign of ideas and knowledge in society without coercion from the public or their government. This argument allows for inclusion and argues against the censorship of any idea or opinion, no matter the stance or status of the individual. This argument would say that if the power of coercion is exercised, the government or institution is illegitimate and the only way a government can be legitimate is through granting the liberty of the press and of speech.

“The time, it is to be hoped, is gone by, when any defense would be necessary of the ‘liberty of the press’ as one of the securities against corrupt of tyrannical government. No argument, we may suppose, can now be needed, against permitting a legislature or an executive, not identified in [the] interests with the people, to prescribe opinions to them, and determine what doctrines or what arguments they shall be allowed to hear… the government, whether completely responsible to the people or not, will often attempt to control the expression of opinion, except when in doing so it makes itself the organ of the general intolerance of the public…Let us suppose, therefore, that the government is entirely at one with the people, and never thinks of exerting any power of coercion unless in agreement with what it conceives to be their voice. But I deny the right of the people to exercise such coercion, either by themselves, or by their government. The power itself is illegitimate.” (Mill, On Liberty, chapter 2 pp. 20-21).

Mill’s argument is that coercion is the source of illegitimate government and liberty of the press and speech allow for the free flow of opinions, ideas and knowledge that is the basis for political legitimacy. Government interference in this free flow is how government institutions stray from the public and cause illegitimacy. Mill argues for the freedom of the press and has this be the basis for political expression in legitimate governments.

Mill argues that the suppression of opinions by any person is to assume that this person has absolute certainty. This idea robs other humans from forming their own opinions about the first idea and if this suppression takes place, it says that the original idea is false because one person said so, not because the majority of people believe so. This act of suppression robs people of the right to form their own opinion and prevents majority opinions from being formed. Liberty, is then impossible because of this suppression of ideas, making freedom of the press vital to utilitarian ideals and public opinion in general (Mill, On Liberty, chapter 2 pp. 22-24).

Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty and Other Essays. 1859. Oxford World’s Classics, edited with introduction and notes by John Gray, 1991, pp. 20-24.

====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====
====Process Philosophy====
====Social Darwinism====
====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====
====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===
==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===

Source/Freedom of the Press

2021-07-23T14:03:39Z

Jere:

==History==
===What is the oldest source in any country that mentions this right?===
===What is the oldest written source in this country that mentions this right? BUILD IN COLLAPSE EXPAND TOGGLE===
====Afghanistan====
====Albania====
====Algeria====
====Andorra====
====Angola====
====Antigua and Barbuda====
====Argentina====
====Armenia====
====Australia====
====Austria====
====Azerbaijan====
====The Bahamas====
====Bahrain====
====Bangladesh====
====Barbados====
====Belarus====
====Belgium====
====Belize====
====Benin====
====Bhutan====
====Bolivia====
====Bosnia and Herzegovina====
====Botswana====
====Brazil====
====Brunei====
====Bulgaria====
====Burkina Faso====
====Burundi====
====Cambodia====
====Cameroon====
====Canada====
====Cape Verde====
====Central African Republic====
====Chad====
====Chile====
====China====
====Colombia====
====Comoros====
====Democratic Republic of the Congo====
====Republic of the Congo====
====Costa Rica====
====Croatia====
====Cuba====
====Cyprus====
====Czech Republic====
====Denmark====
====Djibouti====
====Dominica====
====Dominican Republic====
====East Timor====
====Ecuador====
====Egypt====
====El Salvador====
====Equatorial Guinea====
====Eritrea====
====Estonia====
====Eswatini====
====Ethiopia====
====Fiji====
====Finland====
====France====
====Gabon====
====The Gambia====
====Georgia====
====Germany====
====Ghana====
====Greece====
====Grenada====
====Guatemala====
====Guinea====
====Guinea-Bissau====
====Guyana====
====Haiti====
====Honduras====
====Hungary====
====Iceland====
====India====
====Indonesia====
====Iran====
====Iraq====
====Republic of Ireland====
====Israel====
====Italy====
====Ivory Coast====
====Jamaica====
====Japan====
====Jordan====
====Kazakhstan====
====Kenya====
====Kiribati====
====Kuwait====
====Kyrgyzstan====
====Laos====
====Latvia====
====Lebanon====
====Lesotho====
====Liberia====
====Libya====
====Liechtenstein====
====Lithuania====
====Luxembourg====
====Madagascar====
====Malawi====
====Malaysia====
====Maldives====
====Mali====
====Malta====
====Marshall Islands====
====Mauritania====
====Mauritius====
====Mexico====
====Federated States of Micronesia====
====Moldova====
====Monaco====
====Mongolia====
====Montenegro====
====Morocco====
====Mozambique====
====Myanmar====
====Namibia====
====Nauru====
====Nepal====
====Kingdom of the Netherlands====
====New Zealand====
====Nicaragua====
====Niger====
====Nigeria====
====North Korea====
====North Macedonia====
====Norway====
====Oman====
====Pakistan====
====Palau====
====Panama====
====Papua New Guinea====
====Paraguay====
====Peru====
====Philippines====
====Poland====
====Portugal====
====Qatar====
====Romania====
====Russia====
====Rwanda====
====Saint Kitts and Nevis====
====Saint Lucia====
====Saint Vincent and the Grenadines====
====Samoa====
====San Marino====
====São Tomé and Príncipe====
====Saudi Arabia====
====Senegal====
====Serbia====
====Seychelles====
====Sierra Leone====
====Singapore====
====Slovakia====
====Slovenia====
====Solomon Islands====
====Somalia====
====South Africa====
====South Korea====
====South Sudan====
====Spain====
====Sri Lanka====
====Sudan====
====Suriname====
====Sweden====
====Switzerland====
====Syria====
====Tajikistan====
====Tanzania====
====Thailand====
====Togo====
====Tonga====
====Trinidad and Tobago====
====Tunisia====
====Turkey====
====Turkmenistan====
====Tuvalu====
====Uganda====
====Ukraine====
====United Arab Emirates====
====United Kingdom====
====United States====
====Uruguay====
====Uzbekistan====
====Vanuatu====
====Venezuela====
====Vietnam====
====Yemen====
====Zambia====
====Zimbabwe====
===Is there another noteworthy written source from the past that mentions this right?===
===Is the identification of this right associated with a particular era in history, political regime, or political leader?===
===What specific events or ideas contributed to its identification as a fundamental right?===
===When was it generally accepted as a fundamental, legally-protectable right?===
The first piece of legislation granting citizens freedom of the press was the Swedish Freedom of the Press Act of 1776. The law allowed for free printing of anything that did not oppose religious faith, did not attack the constitution, and was not otherwise indecent (Nordin 2017, 137). In 1950, the European Convention of Human Rights accepted these same limitations for free press. The Swedish Freedom of the Press Act also gave citizens access to view official state documents. While other European countries had some level of free press, such as the Netherlands, the right to free press was not written into law (Nordin 2017, 138). The right to freedom of the press was accepted more globally with the publication of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, which states, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” (United Nations 1948). Still, according to Freedom House, the population of the world with freedom of the press as of 2017 was only thirteen percent, due to limitations imposed by authoritarian regimes and Russian and Chinese regimes seeking to expand their global influence. There were even reports of threats to journalists and limitations to freedom of the press in some democracies (Dunham 2017).

As for the United States, the first guarantee of freedom of the press was written by George Mason in the Virginia Declaration of Rights in 1776 (Bogen 1983, 429). Thomas Jefferson revised Mason’s statement that “all men are born equally free and independent” when he wrote the Declaration of Independence (Vile). Likewise, James Madison later used the Virginia Declaration of Rights to help him in drafting the First Amendment in 1791. Specifically, the line “The Freedom of the Press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained by despotic Governments,” within the Virginia Declaration of Rights shows great similarity to Madison's later proposal for the guarantee of freedom of the press within the Bill of Rights (Bogen 1983, 445). Freedom of the press was accepted as a fundamental right for the United States as a whole with the ratification of the First Amendment in 1791 which states that, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people to peaceably assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (U.S. Const. amend. I). Freedom of the press is intertwined with freedom of speech, and both rights are seen as fundamental (Stewart).

===What historical forces or events, if any, contributed to a widespread belief in its importance? ===
Within the thirteen colonies before the American Revolution, the government did not allow free press. Rather, any form of print had to have a government granted license. The government's initial opposition to free press stemmed from the printing of the first American newspaper in Boston in 1690 called, Publick Occurrences, Both Foreign and Domestick. The British government wanted to censor American media for fear of the spread of unfavorable information. Following the disallowance of Publick Occurrences, it was 14 years until another American newspaper was published. The governor of Virginia at the time, Sir William Berkeley, wrote, “I thank God, we have not free schools nor printing; and I hope we shall not have these hundred years. For learning has brought disobedience and heresy and sects into the world; and printing has divulged them and libels the government” (Kahane 1976, 203). Likewise, English law strongly opposed freedom of the press.

A major contribution to the shift to a widespread belief in the importance of freedom of the press in the United States was Cato’s Letters, a series of essays written by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon between 1720 and 1723 (Trenchard & Gordon 1724). The essays consisted of revolutionary political ideas that largely criticized the British government. Cato viewed human nature as rooted in selfishness, suggesting that political decisions were too often made in the deciders best interest, not necessarily that of the public. For this reason, Cato emphasized the need for human rights and liberty as a check against the power of officials in order to avoid the oppression of some. He emphasized the need to fight against tyranny and corruption. While acknowledging the risks of libel, he endorsed citizen rights to free speech and free press. He believed that all citizens should have the ability to criticize the government accurately. The alternative- restricting freedom of the press, he suggested, would be beneficial only for the corrupt (McDaniel). Cato wrote, “There are some truths not fit to be told...But this doctrine only holds true as to private and personal failings; and it is quite otherwise when the crimes of men come to affect the publick” (Trenchard & Gordon 1724). Cato’s Letters were one of the most familiar essays of time, with people commonly referring to them as a justification and a defense of the rights they deserved, allowing the idea of freedom of the press to gain momentum. The essays were crucial to understanding the importance of and the meaning of the First Amendment, which stemmed from the Virginia Declaration of Rights (Bogen 1983, 446).

Another contributing event was the trial of John Peter Zenger, a printer in New York. In 1733, Zenger printed the New York Weekly Journal. The journal criticized the British royal governor of New York, William S. Cosby, accusing him of rigging elections and other corruption. While Zenger did not write the journal, he was sent to jail and accused of libel, which at the time meant publishing information in opposition to the government. At trial, Zenger was represented by Andrew Hamilton. While Hamilton admitted that Zenger did print the journal, he invoked a new principle, that libel was not punishable if true. Hamilton was able to convince the jury of Zenger’s innocence on the grounds that they could not prove that the content of his publication was false (Kahane 1976, 205). The verdict of the case did not have any serious impact on legal precedent because according to the specifics of the case, the jury ruled that Zenger had not printed the journal, even though Hamilton confessed that much. However, the trial did have the immediate effect of an increase in the amount of political satires printed, specifically those opposed to or critiquing some aspect of the government. This put pressure on less popular officials and increased the relative power of journalists (Olson, 2000).

More broadly, as for the world’s first law guaranteeing freedom of the press in Sweden, Sweden’s intellectual climate and institutional structure allowed for the adoption of ideas that were more radical at the time. Within Sweden, as in Western parts of the world, there was a spread of liberal theory. Liberal theory values the individual as necessary within society and politics. Likewise, liberal theory recognizes the need for change over time in order to advance and improve society. In combination with Sweden’s institutional structure, Sweden could more easily advance new laws (Nordin 2017, 139). At the time, the Diet: four estates including the nobility, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasantry, along with opposing political parties: the Hats and the Caps, ran political discussions and had political power. Around sixty percent of adult males would participate in political decisions. The executive, the Council of the Realm, would act according to the Diet. Sweden saw the greatest citizen participation in politics of any country in Europe. Therefore, unlike in other areas of Europe or the world at the time, citizens were more able to advance their own interests, which resulted in greater liberties pertaining to freedom of the press and free speech (Nordin 2017, 140).

==Legal Codification==
===Is this right protected in the Constitutions of most countries today?===
===Is it contained in the US Constitution?===
The right to freedom of the press is in the first amendment:

* “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the '''press'''; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (United States of America 1789 (Rev. 1992) Constitution - Constitute, 1992).

===Has it been interpreted as being implicit in the US Constitution?===
No, as the right is explicitly stated in the Constitution.
===Are there any exceptions in American law to this right?===
Given the fuzzy line between freedom of speech and freedom of the press (Freedom of Expression, n.d.), restrictions or exceptions towards speech will impact the press and vice versa. With this is mind, there are two main exceptions in the history of United States law to the right of freedom of the press: the Espionage Act of 1917, and the Sedition Act of 1918.

The Espionage Act of 1917 stated that an individual who shares a document or information that “…could be used to the injury of the United States…shall be fined…or imprisoned…” (18 U.S. Code § 793 - Gathering, Transmitting or Losing Defense Information, n.d.). Similar to the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Espionage Act was proposed in the context of war where President Woodrow Wilson himself pleaded for greater restriction to expression and punishment towards individuals that opposed the United States government in his State of the Union address: “Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out” (Handout B, n.d.).

The Espionage Act was put to the test in the case Schenck v. United States (1919). Charles Schenck and Elizabeth Baer were convicted for violating the act by distributing leaflets that claimed the draft unconstitutional and was akin to “involuntary servitude” (Schenck v. United States, n.d.). The conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court due to Schenck and Baer’s actions providing a “clear and present danger” which the government has the constitutional ability to block (Asp, n.d.).

A similar decision occurred with Debs v. United States (1919). Eugene V. Debs, a popular socialist politician, was sentenced to ten years in prison for condemning the involvement of the United States in the first World War. Debs claimed protection under the First Amendment, but it was not accepted as Debs’ statements were considered, again, a clear and present danger due to them potentially causing resentment towards the draft (Dow, n.d.).

Many were indicted through the Espionage Act, though as time passed, there was controversy over its small scope and high leniency as the first World War continued its drastic impact on the United States. The case that tipped the balance towards a stronger Espionage Act was an indictment to Ves Hall. Hall was a rancher in rural Montana who expressed plans to desert if he were drafted, that Germany would win the war, and that Woodrow Wilson was a corrupt president (Galison, 2010). Hall’s prosecution had broad support from the press and the public. However, Hall was acquitted in the district court as the judge at the time decided that as Hall was in a remote village of 60 people and was miles and miles away from any military presence, and therefore his words did not present any threat to the United States: “…[Hall’s] verbal assault was so distant from its target that there simply was no plausible case to be made for interference with military operations or recruitment” (Ibid.). After Hall’s acquittal, in addition to other acquittals or lenient sentences, desire from American nationalists and supporters from the war increased for an expansion of the Espionage Act to be able to effectively punish and deter disloyalty (Ibid.; Gutfeld, 1968, pg. 169). An amendment was added to the Espionage Act, the Sedition Act of 1918, which rather than merely prohibiting the sharing of a document that could jeopardize American security, instead makes any “disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language” expressions towards the government, the Constitution, the military, or the flag a federal offense (The Espionage and Sedition Acts, 2021).

Eventually, the early 20th century war-era acts were reversed by the 1964 case Brandenburg v. Ohio. In the case, Clarence Brandenburg, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, was having a meeting where he planned a demonstration on Washington, D.C. Brandenburg was convicted to ten years in prison for advocating crime and terrorism (Walker, n.d.). When the case went to the Supreme Court, the Court unanimously decided to overturn Brandenburg’s conviction (Ibid.). The Court stated: “Freedoms of speech and press do not permit a State to forbid advocacy of the use of force or of law violation except where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action” (Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 1969). As a result, this gave political dissenters a greater ability to express their beliefs despite whatever position towards the United States Government they may have.

Even with Brandenburg’s “imminent lawless action” rule did not completely dissolve the Espionage Act, however. As the Cold War became a more prominent conflict in the 20th century, the Espionage Act was used to justify convictions of American citizens who shared sensitive information about the United States’ research into atomic bombs (DeWitt, 2016, pg. 124). Henceforth, citizens who had access to sensitive information would have their speech limited, in order to protect national security, and it is this interpretation of the Espionage Act which the United States government uses to justify convictions towards “whistleblowers”—Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning for example—in the present day (DeWitt, 2016, pg. 127; Greenwald, 2013; Volokh, 2018).

Other exceptions to freedom of the press exist. One example is that of obscenity. In 1973, the case Miller v. California, publisher Marvin Miller was prosecuted for mailing advertisements considered obscene (Hudson, n.d.). The Supreme Court acquitted Miller of the charge and established a three-part test—the Miller test— to decide whether an expression is obscene or not: “Whether the average person…would find the work…appeals to the prurient interest,…whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law,…and whether the work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value” (Marvin MILLER, Appellant, v. State of CALIFORNIA., 1973).

Defamation is another exception, of which the 1964 case New York Times v. Sullivan is an example. The New York Times published an advertisement containing false information about actions taken by opposers of civil rights which included Alabama police, which the Montgomery, Alabama city commissioner, L.B. Sullivan, then responded by filing suit, claiming that the advertisement harmed his reputation and was libelous (Wermiel, n.d.). The Supreme Court reversed the motions of the previous courts that defended Sullivan and Justice William J. Brennan Jr. Opined for the majority: “[We] consider this case against the background of a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide open…” allowing even for “…vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials” (Hudson Jr, n.d.). With this defense, however, limits could be enforced if the expression is made with “ ‘actual malice’—that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not” (New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 1964).

Lastly, there is a limit as to what extent the press can protect their reporters’ confidentiality, and this was established in the 1972 case Branzburg v. Hayes (Tom McInnis, n.d.). Reporter Paul Branzburg published a story about drug use and the Black Panthers. Branzburg was asked to testify on the illegal activity and Branzburg refused due to the confidentiality he promised his sources. The Supreme Court decided that, as the information was relevant to a criminal investigation, reporters are obligated to testify on that information (Ibid.). The Court states: “The First Amendment does not relieve a newspaper reporter of the obligation that all citizens have to respond to a grand jury subpoena and answer questions relevant to a criminal investigation, and therefore the Amendment does not afford him a constitutional testimonial privilege…” (Branzburg v. Hayes, 1972).

===Is this right enshrined in international and regional human rights treaties?===
==Philosophical Origins==
===What have religious and philosophical traditions contributed to our understanding of this right?===
====Buddhism====
====Platonism====
====Aristotelian thought====
====Ancient Chinese Philosophy====
====Stoicism====
====Early Indian Philosophy====
====Miscellaneous Hellenistic Schools (epicureans, academics, skeptics, etc.)====
====Roman Legal and Political Thought====
====Early Christianity====
====Thomism and medieval Christianity====
====Medieval Islamic Thought====
====Medieval Judaism====
====Early Modern Rationalism====
====Absolute Idealism====
====Reformation Christianity====
====Hobbesian Thought====
====Lockean Thought/English Empiricism====
====Physiocrats====
====Scottish Enlightenment====
====Modern Capitalism====
====Rousseau's Thought====
====Kantianism====
====German Idealism====
====Benthamite Utilitarianism====
====Millian Utilitarianism====
John Stuart Mill’s work of On Liberty (1859) argues against government forcing ideas on the public and argues for the liberty of the press. This would allow for the free reign of ideas and knowledge in society without coercion from the public or their government. This argument allows for inclusion and argues against the censorship of any idea or opinion, no matter the stance or status of the individual. This argument would say that if the power of coercion is exercised, the government or institution is illegitimate and the only way a government can be legitimate is through granting the liberty of the press and of speech.

“The time, it is to be hoped, is gone by, when any defense would be necessary of the ‘liberty of the press’ as one of the securities against corrupt of tyrannical government. No argument, we may suppose, can now be needed, against permitting a legislature or an executive, not identified in [the] interests with the people, to prescribe opinions to them, and determine what doctrines or what arguments they shall be allowed to hear… the government, whether completely responsible to the people or not, will often attempt to control the expression of opinion, except when in doing so it makes itself the organ of the general intolerance of the public…Let us suppose, therefore, that the government is entirely at one with the people, and never thinks of exerting any power of coercion unless in agreement with what it conceives to be their voice. But I deny the right of the people to exercise such coercion, either by themselves, or by their government. The power itself is illegitimate.” (Mill, On Liberty, chapter 2 pp. 20-21).

Mill’s argument is that coercion is the source of illegitimate government and liberty of the press and speech allow for the free flow of opinions, ideas and knowledge that is the basis for political legitimacy. Government interference in this free flow is how government institutions stray from the public and cause illegitimacy. Mill argues for the freedom of the press and has this be the basis for political expression in legitimate governments.

Mill argues that the suppression of opinions by any person is to assume that this person has absolute certainty. This idea robs other humans from forming their own opinions about the first idea and if this suppression takes place, it says that the original idea is false because one person said so, not because the majority of people believe so. This act of suppression robs people of the right to form their own opinion and prevents majority opinions from being formed. Liberty, is then impossible because of this suppression of ideas, making freedom of the press vital to utilitarian ideals and public opinion in general (Mill, On Liberty, chapter 2 pp. 22-24).

Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty and Other Essays. 1859. Oxford World’s Classics, edited with introduction and notes by John Gray, 1991, pp. 20-24.

====Current Utilitarianism====
====Transcendentalism====
====Marxism====
====Early Sociology====
====Pragmatism====
====Weberian Thought====
====Process Philosophy====
====Social Darwinism====
====British Idealism (19th cen.)====
====Continental Philosophy/Frankfurt School====
====Behaviorism====
====Feminist Thought====
====Postmodernism====
===Are there any philosophical or moral traditions that dispute the classification of this right as a fundamental right?===
===What do the major legal theories (positive law, natural law, critical legal studies, etc.) say about this right?===
==Culture and Politics==
===Is this right interpreted and exercised in different ways in different countries? Focus on particular countries in which the right is interpreted distinctively===
===Is this right exercised in different ways depending on the political governance regime in place (democracy, autocracy, hybrid regime)?===
===Is there general and widespread belief that this right is a fundamental right that should generally be protected (and that exceptions should be rare)?===
===Does public polling reveal insights about the right as experienced in different countries?===

==Conflicts with other Rights==
===Are there other specific fundamental rights that tend to conflict with this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Are there other specific rights that are critical to the exercise of this right? Can you identify specific examples of this?===
===Is there a perception that this right is above or higher than other fundamental rights, or in general, that it has a particular place in a hierarchy of rights?===
===What specific examples of hierarchies, manifestos, constitutions, or prioritized descriptions of rights cite this right’s high status? Low status? No status at all?===
===How does federalism change, if at all, the exercise or application of this right? What examples of this can one point to?===
==Limitations / Restrictions==
===What are the typical exceptions or limitations placed on this right?===
===Under American jurisprudence, what permissible exceptions exist?===
===Under international human rights laws, what permissible exceptions (often called derogations) exist?===
===Have political theorists or philosophers discussed the permissibility of exceptions to this right?===
===Should this right be limited when limiting it would jeopardize democratic norms?===
===Is this right often perceived as threatening to government authorities?===
===Is this right often curtailed by government authorities for reasons other than those which are generally viewed as permissible?===
===Is this right at times curtailed by private actors?===
===Is this right subject to specific limitations in event of emergency (war, brief natural disaster [weather, earthquake], long-run natural disaster [volcano, fire, disease])? Can such limitations be defined in advance with reference to the disaster in question?===
==Utilitarian / Fairness Assessments==
===Is there a cost attached to protecting and enforcing this right? What kinds of costs are implicated?===
====Short-term economic cost in general====
====Long-term economic cost in general====
====Cost to those least able to economically absorb the cost====
====Cost to perceived democratic legitimacy====
====Cost to consistency or coherence of the law as a whole====
====Cost to the legitimacy or effectiveness of other rights====
====Cost to considerations of social equality====
====Cost to other non-material goods not so far specified====
===What are the financial consequences, if any, of making this right a legally protectable right?===
===Are there any groups that are uniquely disadvantaged by the exercise of this right?===
===Are there any groups that uniquely benefit from the exercise of this right?===
===Are there instances when this fundamental right can lead to unfairness or inequities?===
===Are there objective ways to measure the utilitarian nature of this right?===
===If so, where can one draw the line: when does this right stop being useful or economically viable?===
==Looking Ahead==
===How can we expect this right to change and evolve in the years ahead?===
===How is the future likely to shape the exercise of this right?===
===Will the exercise or protection of this right be affected by technological changes?===
===Under what conditions would this right become irrelevant?===
===Are questions of fairness and utility pertaining to this right likely to change in the years ahead?===
==Policy Recommendations==
===Can the practice or exercise of this right be shaped through executive action?===
===In the US context, are there particular parties with a stake or interest in amending or reconceptualizing this right?===
===In the US context, can this right be altered legislatively, or would it require a constitutional amendment?===
===Is this right best addressed at the national level? The sub-national level? The international level?===
===To what extent is this right shaped primarily by judicial decisions?===
===If this right is best addressed through the amendment process, how should it proceed?===
===If this right were unlimited, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===
===If this right were eliminated, what might be the consequences (positive and negative)?===